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Now, if someone would kindly hold my beer: | Now, if someone would kindly hold my beer: | ||
==Banking, in the good old days== | ==Banking, in the good old days== | ||
In the good old days — in the time of the [[Children of the Forest]], before the [[First Men]] — the overall vibe of the financial system was circumspect, self-imposed ''[[prudence]]'': institutions staffed by Captain Mainwaring-types providing stodgy, unflamboyant facilities and services to clients who were grateful to be offered them, and who would produce whatever sureties their banks required to advance their resources. | |||
The idea here is to set up an idea of a financial services industry with two types of participant: ''intermediaries'' and ''customers''. We have waxed [[Look, I tried|elsewhere]] about the countless ways enterprising individuals can contrive to interpose themselves into a process that oughtn’t to need ''that'' much intermediating, but let us, for today’s outing, take it as we find it. | |||
==== Intermediaries ==== | |||
There are various types of intermediary in the market: the market infrastructure: [[Exchange|stock exchange]]s, [[clearing system]]s, securities depositories and so on; then those [[Agent|agents]] who earn only a [[commission]] from their involvement, and take no [[principal]] risk<ref>I include here “[[quasi-agent]]” roles that are conducted on a [[riskless principal]], but (absent insolvency) are economically neutral: thse participants are remunerated by [[commission]] or fixed [[mark-up]] and do not have “[[Skin in the Game: Hidden Asymmetries in Daily Life - Book Review|skin in the game]]”.</ref> at all: [[Cash brokerage|cash broker]]<nowiki/>s, [[Investment manager|investment managers]], [[Clearing broker|clearer]]<nowiki/>s, [[Market-maker|market-makers]] and [[Intermediate broker|intermediate brokers]]; and then there are those who ''do'' take principal risk, but only by lending to customers, and again don’t participate in the upside or downside<ref>Barring through “gap loss” where, due to portfolio losses, the customer is insolvent and cannot repay its loan.</ref> of the investments they are financing: [[Bank|banks]]. In all cases the thing they have in common is that their financial return is not linked the performance of the instruments in which they are dealing. | |||
Customer contracts with intermediaries were a one-way affair: since intermediaries were providing services and resources — lending money, handling brokerage orders and so on — legal covenants went one way only. | |||
==== Inter-dealer relationships ==== | |||
Of course, intermediaries must interact with each other, providing each other liquidity, market access, custody, foreign exchange, hedging and short term funding. These interbank relationships tend to be wide and many-faceted and the terms documenting them tended to be short to non-existent, and bilateral. | |||
==== Customers ==== | |||
Customers are those who ''do'' have skin in the game: they take all the benefits — less the fees, commissions and financing costs of their intermediaries — and absorb all the losses of their investments. They may be institutional (pension funds, investment funds, multinationals) or retail (private investors) and while the range of investment products they can invest in will depend on their sophistication and financial resources, they are not subject to any kind of prudential regulation. They can, and do, blow up. More speculative investment vehicles may be highly [[Vega|geared]] and quite ''likely'' to blow up. | |||
Up until the early 1980s, this was all quite well settled, but innovations in the market, technology and regulation began to change things. | |||
==The times they are a-changing== | |||
'''The multi-coloured swap shop''' | |||
The [[swap history|history of swaps]] is interesting and fairly well-documented. It all started in earnest in 1981, with a bright idea [[Salomon Brothers]] had to match up IBM, who needed U.S. dollars but had a load of Swiss francs and Deutschmarks, with the World Bank, which had all the dollars anyone could need but needed to meet obligations in CHF and DEM which it wasn’t able to borrow. The two institutions “swapped” their debts, exchanging dollars for the European currencies and paying coupons on them, with an agreement to return the the same values of the respective currencies at maturity. | |||
Everyone else recognised this to be a cool idea, and before you know it, swaps trading was a trillion dollar industry. Okay; this took a bit of time, but in the geological history of finance from the time of Hammurabi, it was the blink of an eye. But anyway, note a few things: | |||
Unlike traditional banking activity, swaps were bilateral. In one sense, ''both'' parties were lending to each other — hence they were not just parties, but “counterparties”. In another sense, neither was: as long as you could [[Set-Off|offset]] the swapped loans at inception a swap trade was market neutral.<ref>Law students will know this notion of enforceable set-off is a tricky one, especially if you are trading across international markets, where insolvency regimes are capricious, and might struggle to understand it, in a way they tended not to struggle with ordinary secured lending. Hence the great, tedious topic of [[Close-out netting|netting]], which isn’t wildly germane to this essay except to point out that [[Credit risk mitigation|credit mitigation]] for swaps by set-off, not security, and credit risk can swing around, depending on the market value of the underlying obligations.</ref> | |||
But a swap trade does not ''stay'' market neutral. Its [[mark-to-market]] value will change, and can swing around. Depending on how the cross-rates move, ''either'' party can be owed money. Hence the concept of “[[moneyness]]”: either party could be [[in-the-money]] or [[out-of-the-money]]. | |||
This was quite a different thing, and it really challenged the regulatory philosophy of financial services regulation. Until now, there had always been an intermediary and a customer, and you always knew who was who: the intermediary was authorised, regulated to provide its services and appropriately capitalised ''to protect the customer'';<ref>And its depositors: also customers.</ref> the customer didn’t need to be regulated as it the intermediary could obviously look after itself. | |||
The evolution of swaps challenged that: now either party could be creditor or debtor. It was hard to know who to regulate. Who needed protecting from whom? Did they ''both'' have to be regulated? Or ''neither''? For the first couple of decades, the regulatory answer was basically “neither”.<ref>Hence widespread allusions to the wild west, [[Locust|locusts]], [[Black swan|black swans]], casino banking, [[financial weapons of mass destruction]] and so on.</ref> | |||
==== Intermediaries, redux ==== | |||
So, the clarity about who was an intermediary broke down a little. Swaps were a financial product in which there did not necessarily need to be an intermediary at all: the very first swap, between IBM and the World Bank, was effectively a transaction between two customers, in that each took principal risk to the transaction. And there is an entire realm of swap trades ''between'' intermediaries, where neither side is a “customer” as such. | |||
But the huge preponderance of swap volume is between an [[intermediary]] — a “[[swap dealer]]” — and a [[customer]] — indelicately described as an “[[end-user]]”. So are [[swap dealer|swap dealers]] intermediaries in the traditional sense, having no “skin in the game”? In one sense, no: being a principal to the swap contract, the [[swap dealer|dealer]] takes the other side of the trade to its customer, and is fully exposed to the [[underlier]]’s performance. But in another sense, it ''is'' an intermediary: [[swap dealer]]<nowiki/>s generally [[Delta-hedging|delta-hedge]] their risk. In many cases are prohibited by regulation from taking proprietary positions.<ref>This is the famous “Volcker Rule”.</ref> In the classic case of equity swaps, the dealer executes a physical trade in the cash market, holds or finances that position, and prices its swap at exactly that price. It has no net exposure to the trade at all. Economically, it is no different from a broker lending on margin. | |||
==== | ==== Deregulation and electronic trading ==== | ||
At about the same time computer-based trading began to revolutionising the financial markets and the madcap spirit of 1980s free-love ''laissez-faire'' delivered their radical deregulation. It is not unreasonable to suppose these conditions contributed to an explosion in the market for OTC swaps during the 1980s.<ref>These three forces combined to create a mammoth. [http://faculty.citadel.edu/silver/IF/MBA_course/Chap9_Swap_Evolution.pdf Citadel] estimates USD interest rate swaps volumes went from from zero in 1981 to over half a billion dollars by 1987. </ref> | |||
{{Sa}} | === Here come the regulators === | ||
It did not take long for folks to realise that these new swap things presented a whole new class of risks.{{Sa}} | |||
* [[Variation margin]] | * [[Variation margin]] |