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{{a|book review|''Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything about Race Gender and Identity'' — {{author|Helen Pluckrose}} and {{author|James Lindsay}}}}
{{a|book review|[[File:Cynical Theories.jpg|450px|frameless|center]]}}{{br|Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything about Race Gender and Identity}} — {{author|Helen Pluckrose}} and {{author|James Lindsay}} <br>
DRAFT DRAFT
An important, brave book in our polarised times, in {{br|Cynical Theories}} {{author|Helen Pluckrose}} and {{author|James Lindsay}} take on the intellectual foundations of the current strain of militant leftist thought. Brave because of the repurcussions that tend to rain down on those who transgress its principles, even inadvertently — it's somewhat bracing even writing a favourable book review.


Call it what you will: — critical theory, social justice theory, applied (''post''?) [[postmodernism]], Theory with a capital “T” or just stark raving bonkers wokeness, — it defies easy categorisation and critical appraisal by deliberate design, but {{br|Cynical Theories}} goes there, transgressing its hermeneutical rules and pinning it down, articulating it, examining it and shining a light on the means by which it subverts the traditional liberal enquiring disposition which, Pluckrose and Lindsay argue, in fact delivered all the social progress we’ve made in the past half century. Life isn’t perfect, but it's a journey, were headed in a good direction, and suddenly going all fascist about is neither necessary or productive. There is an argument that overreach by Theory has encouraged rather than smitten intolerant populism, which has only really been on the rise in the last decade or so so in which Theory has been ascendant.
A brave book in our polarised times, in {{br|Cynical Theories}}, {{author|Helen Pluckrose}} and {{author|James Lindsay}} take on the intellectual foundations of the current strain of militant leftist “critical” thought. Brave because the received wisdom piped into our liberal echo chambers declares that the intolerant ''right'' is the problem. Brave, because of the repercussions — mass shaming, mob rule cancellation, livelihood ruination — that sometimes rains down on those who transgress its principles, even inadvertently. It’s somewhat bracing even writing a favourable book review.


Pluckrose and Lindsay echo another point also made well by Murray: when social movements achieve their goals they do not tend to disband and fade away. They are their own power structures; they have their own discourse; they contain their own hierarchies: as they themselves teach, people with intellectual and economic power do not lightly surrender it. Thus the objects of social justice have adapted to survive. Part of that adaptive strategy is is an increasing hostility to criticism, as their objectives shift from the inarguable (actual political enfranchisement on grounds of race or sex) to the more oblique (combating dominant power structures which oppress people who are overweight). All this is, of course, highly ironic. Theory has become exactly what it most despises.
So I wouldn’t fancy {{author|Helen Pluckrose}}’s mentions right now. (There’s a simple answer to dealing with crappy mentions, by the way, folks: [[get off Twitter]].)
====The [[Theory]] of [[Theory]]====
Anyway. Call it what you will: critical [[theory]], social justice [[theory]], applied (''post''?) [[post-modernism]], “[[Theory]]” with a capital “T” or just raving bonkers wokeness — it is a movement that tactically defies categorisation, and therefore critical appraisal by deliberate design. In {{br|Cynical Theories}} Pluckrose and Lindsay wilfully transgress those [[Hermeneutic|hermeneutical]] boundaries and pin it down, articulating, examining and shining an unflattering light on it and the ways it subverts traditional liberal values of openness, enquiry and reasoned debate — liberal values that, they cogently argue, have delivered most of the social progress of the past half-century.  


reconciling this requires some fancy intellectual footwork and pluckrose and Lindsay are an excellent guide to what they call the "postmodern turn".
To be sure, life for the marginalised in 2021 is hardly perfect, but progress is a journey; we’re in a far better place than we were, and (notwithstanding the recent lurch to the right) we are still headed in a fair direction with a tailwind of basic liberal aspiration. As long as we bear in mind that progress is a journey ''away'' from an unsatisfactory now, not ''towards'' a utopian later, we should not be too discomfited (again, recent far-right agitations notwithstanding). In ''any'' society, however enlightened, ''someone'' has to be at the margins — assuming the end goal isn’t some kind of ''Stepford Wives'' arrangement, that is a bug not a feature. If you want [[diversity]], there have to be minorities.  


Theory has escaped theory, and transformed into doctrinaire activism.  
As the outlook as brightened, the objectives of social justice have had to re-calibrate, to nurture those nascent green shoots of power, and to give social justice campaigners something to complain about. This is exactly as [[Theory]] diagnoses about other socio-political power structures: once people have intellectual and economic power, through their organisation, they do not lightly give it up. As [[Theory]] has shifted its sights downrange from what has been accomplished to what is outstanding — and this is a bit of a moving target — its hostility to criticism has deepened.  It has become ''illiberal''. Its own language games and the power structures they comprise — by its own [[Theory]], that’s what they are — have sanctified, and challenge to them more sacrilegious, through time. And so we find ourselves at a cancel culture, with even [[David Hume]] cast into the abyss. “[[Theory]]” has somehow escaped ''theory'', has leeched out of the academy and transformed into doctrinaire, real-world militancy.  


Pluckrose and Lindsay are not the first to make this point, of course — {{author|Douglas Murray}}’s magnificently scathing {{br|The Madness of Crowds}} has ploughed the same furrow, but unlike Murray, Pluckrose is ''politically'' aligned with the Theorists, so harder to write off. And where {{br|The Madness of Crowds}} slings (well-aimed) thunderbolts, {{br|Critical Theories} is measured, patient and thorough in its examination and dismemberment of the various strains of Theory.  
All this is, of course, highly ironic: [[Theory]] has become what it most despises.


It is very easy, and theorists are prone to to do it, to confuse a robust criticism of of the theory itself with a rejection of its underlying concern with inequities perpetrated on marginalised people. To reject Theory is not to be in itself to be racist, but when the rejecting person hails from the political right it is is tempting to to conflate these ideas. Pluckrose and Lindsay of very clear about this particularly in the the effective conclusion to their book. Mind you, at it's more extreme lengths, Theory would categorise any white or male person is irredeemably sexist and racist anyway, so it's not like the Privileged have much of a choice.
It is very easy, and [[Theory|Theorists]] are prone to do it, to confuse a robust criticism of [[Theory]] itself with a rejection of the underlying concern to address actual inequities perpetrated on marginalised groups. But to question [[Theory]] is not to be racist. Yet at its extremes, [[Theory]] says exactly this, and indeed goes further: any white or male person is irredeemably oppressive, ''whether or not they would quarrel with [[Theory]]''. If these are the rules, it’s not like we of the privileged have much of a choice, so we might as well enjoy it. But there ''aren’t'' the rules, needless to say.


It’s a fascinating review of modern philosophy in itself there are a small number of ''vastly'' influential thinkers, from the original French post-structuralists like Foucault, Derrida and Lacan in the first wave of postmodernism through to Judith Butler, Kimberlé Crenshaw, bell hooks and Candace West through which almost all the Theory literature flows. For an ideology so inimical to illegitimate power expressed through the medium of language that is quite an irony. But then ironies abound far and wide.
====A hermeneutical transgression====
So suddenly going all fascist on everything is neither necessary nor productive. {{Author|Helen Pluckrose}} and {{Author|James Lindsay}} are not the first to set all this out, of course {{author|Douglas Murray}}’s magnificently scathing {{br|The Madness of Crowds}} ploughed the same furrow, but unlike Murray, Pluckrose and Lindsay hail from the left, so are harder for Theorists to dismiss out of hand. And where Murray hurls (well-aimed) thunderbolts, {{br|Cynical Theories}} ''examines'' the various strains of [[Theory]] in measured, careful tones. Its dismemberment is all the more effective for it.


“Theory”, as Pluckrose calls it, is a “reified postmodernism”, that has moved from an abstract skeptical disposition: the ''absence'' of the possibility of the idea of truth, to an inverted positive belief in the universal truth that our “white, male, cis-gendered and heterocentred” (let's call this “western” for the sake of space) intellectual structures are of themselves, an abuse of power and must be subordinated to the lived experience of marginalised people. this lived experience by the marginalized, by contrast, is reified into objective truth. That's a pretty neat sleight-of-hand but it is, even in its own terms, preposterous. The kicker is that to apply elementary syllogistic argument to expose its simple-mindedness is Western and therefore oppressive. Checkmate, in the hermeneutic game.
====A primer in postmodernism====
{{Br|Cynical Theories}} is thorough enough to be a fascinating review of modern philosophy in itself — there are a small number of ''vastly'' influential thinkers, from the original French post-structuralists like Foucault, Derrida and Lacan in the “first wave” — all tenured, privileged, middle-aged, white European men, of course — through to Judith Butler, Kimberlé Crenshaw, bell hooks and Candace West; not so pale, stale or male but similarly blessed — privileged? — with tenure, through which almost all the Theory literature flows. For an ideology so inimical to power as expressed through language, that is yet another great irony. But then, in Theory, ironies abound.


So a set of related disciplines which eschew the messy Western business of gathering empirical evidence pronounces authoritatively on lived experiences of of a marginalized group. Now how one might acquire any understanding of lived experiences without observing and recording some of them us quite a poser. Nor is it easy to see how one can measure the effect these dominating Western intellectual structures have on the lived experiences of the marginalised, or how they are abused, without observing it.  
By the time it has reached its third wave, Theory is a “reified postmodernism”. It has moved from the original abstract sceptical disposition that there can be ''no'' truth and has inverted it. Now there ''is'' a universal truth, and it is that the prevailing “white, male, cis-gendered and hetero-normative” intellectual structures (let’s call them “Western” for the sake of space) are intrinsically abusive of, and must be subordinated to, the “lived experience” of marginalised people.  


But that is to think in a Western way, and that won't do. It's the Theory that matters, see: those marginalised people who don’t believe themselves to be oppressed have just been brainwashed by their Western oppressors in some kind of Stockholm syndrome. At best they are part of the problem, not the solution. If the problem is preserving the credibility of Theory, then this is surely right.
The “lived experience of the marginalised”, by contrast, is “reified”, rather abstractly, into a kind of transcendent truth, without the need for the dirty work of gathering evidence of what this lived experience of oppression actually ''is''. These academics just seem to ''know''. It is not clear how. You would think the daily grind of a tenured professor, however intersecting that individual’s collection of minorityships — talk about a “victim complex”! — would be rather atypical in its experience of “oppression”. Yet these people still manage to draw canonical archetypes of the “lived experience of the oppressed”, with which all members of the minority group are invited to identify, without gathering any ''evidence'' of what that “lived experience of oppression” might actually be. The justification for that: to have gather evidence is ''in itself an oppression'': it is to be subjugated before the Western power structure — the scientific method, right? — that’s doing the oppressing in the first place.  


You really can’t win.  
But it is time for another irony: if to “live an experience” is ''to interact with a pervasive language game'', it is interesting to see who is making up the rules of this game. To be sure, that’s a neat card trick, but that doesn’t stop it from being utterly preposterous. But to apply even ''that'' level of syllogism, to expose its simple-mindedness, is Western, ergo oppressive, ergo illegitimate. Checkmate, in the hermeneutic game.


What’s important is that critical theory approach is to provide an alternative narrative — which is fine — but in doing so, to deploy other tactics that stifle ''other'' narratives. Driving out any other possible narrative cuckoo-style renders CRT as no better than any other hegemonic program, and will cause those who don’t adopt critical theory — and there will be plenty — to entrench themselves. The result: the burgeoning culture war we seem to be in the middle of. As persuasion strategies go, telling your interlocutor he is, by dint of his own biology, irredeemably racist, sexist and oppressive (especially when everyone else’s biology seems to be a matter of utter conjecture) is hardly a guaranteed winner. It is almost as if culture war is part of the plan.
====But what about the ''actually'' marginalised?====
So while eschewing the “Western” business of needing supporting evidence and logical argument, Theory nevertheless pronounces authoritatively on what is ''the'' “lived experience” (note: singular) of set of intersecting minorities, each of whose actual experiences, you would think, would be quite diverse. Yet those individual lives which contribute to the aggregate are subsumed into some kind of ineffable golden mean that is just ''known'' by academics. Nor is it easy to see how one can measure, at least without observation, the effect dominating Western intellectual structures actually have on those lived experiences.  


In any case ''you can’t make an ought out of an is'', as {{author|David Hume}} told us (before he was — ahh — cancelled), that ought to be the overriding lesson of postmodernism: there is no legitimate way of moving from ''de''scription to ''pre''scription.  
But to raise these types of objection is to seek the wrong kind of enlightenment. It is to think in a Western way, and that won’t do. It’s the Theory that matters, see, even over the experience of individual at the margins: those marginalised people who don’t believe themselves to be oppressed have just been brainwashed by their Western oppressors. They are victims of some kind of Stockholm syndrome. At best they are part of the problem, not the solution.  


We should get stuck at a place of maximum plurality, where there are no rules and structures which can arbitrate on competing views; instead we must resort to pragmatic heuristics:  things like what seems to work best. But that requires field-work. You have to be out there, working at it; trial and error; making steps forward, back and sideways. The reason the rest of us accept Newtonian mechanics is not that they are ''true'' — as it turns out, they’re not — but because they do the job well enough.
You really can’t win. But it lays bear the illiberalism: the thing to be preserved at the expense of all else, ''including the marginalised themselves,'' is [[Theory]]. This is doctrinaire, dogmatic and despotic.  


Unlike physical sciences and much of the excellent pragmatic psychology and sociology we have at our disposal today, Theory doesn’t do empirical evidence. It is abstract literature; it generalises in imagined Platonic forms (dead white guy — sorry) that bear no resemblance to the messy, inconvenient, but wondrous thing we call real social interaction.
To step back outside the hermeneutic boundary again, and look at this from an unapologetically Western perspective, one can clearly see the gambit:  Theory provides an alternative narrative — which is fine — but in doing so, deploys other tactics that ''stifle other narratives''. Driving out any other possible narrative, cuckoo-style, renders [[Theory]] as no better than any other “hegemonic ideology ” — when compared with the Western liberal tradition, Pluckrose and Lindsay calmly point out, quite a lot worse  —  and will cause those who don’t accept [[Theory]] — and there will be plenty — to dig themselves in. The result: the burgeoning culture war we seem to be in the middle of.  


We affirm that social injustice still exists and are worthy of submission to the marketplace of ideas for evaluation, adaptation, further study, refinement and eventual application
As persuasion strategies go, telling your interlocutor he is, by dint of his own biology, irredeemably racist, sexist and oppressive (especially when everyone else’s biology seems to be a matter of utter conjecture) is hardly guaranteed to work. It is almost as if culture war is part of the plan.
 
In any case ''you can’t make an ought out of an is'', as {{author|David Hume}} told us (before he was — ahh — cancelled), and that ought to be the overriding lesson of [[post-modernism]]: there is no legitimate way of moving from ''de''scription to ''pre''scription.
 
We should not get stuck at a place of maximum plurality, where there are no rules and structures which can arbitrate on competing views; instead, we must resort to pragmatic [[heuristic]]s:  “do what seems to work best” without getting ideologically fixated on it. [[Iterate]]. Adapt. Test. Trial, and embrace error. But that requires field-work. You have to be out there, working at it; making steps forward, back and sideways. The reason the rest of us accept Newtonian mechanics is not that it is ''true'' — as it turns out, it is not — but because ''it does the job well enough''.
 
This is a brave book. It is thorough, careful, compelling  — at times horrifying, at others tremendously funny.
 
People should read it, especially since [[Theory]] has escaped its academic confines in the last few years and begun to infuse corporate life.
{{Book Club Wednesday|13/1/21}}

Latest revision as of 19:55, 7 February 2021

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Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything about Race Gender and IdentityHelen Pluckrose and James Lindsay

A brave book in our polarised times, in Cynical Theories, Helen Pluckrose and James Lindsay take on the intellectual foundations of the current strain of militant leftist “critical” thought. Brave because the received wisdom piped into our liberal echo chambers declares that the intolerant right is the problem. Brave, because of the repercussions — mass shaming, mob rule cancellation, livelihood ruination — that sometimes rains down on those who transgress its principles, even inadvertently. It’s somewhat bracing even writing a favourable book review.

So I wouldn’t fancy Helen Pluckrose’s mentions right now. (There’s a simple answer to dealing with crappy mentions, by the way, folks: get off Twitter.)

The Theory of Theory

Anyway. Call it what you will: critical theory, social justice theory, applied (post?) post-modernism, “Theory” with a capital “T” or just raving bonkers wokeness — it is a movement that tactically defies categorisation, and therefore critical appraisal by deliberate design. In Cynical Theories Pluckrose and Lindsay wilfully transgress those hermeneutical boundaries and pin it down, articulating, examining and shining an unflattering light on it and the ways it subverts traditional liberal values of openness, enquiry and reasoned debate — liberal values that, they cogently argue, have delivered most of the social progress of the past half-century.

To be sure, life for the marginalised in 2021 is hardly perfect, but progress is a journey; we’re in a far better place than we were, and (notwithstanding the recent lurch to the right) we are still headed in a fair direction with a tailwind of basic liberal aspiration. As long as we bear in mind that progress is a journey away from an unsatisfactory now, not towards a utopian later, we should not be too discomfited (again, recent far-right agitations notwithstanding). In any society, however enlightened, someone has to be at the margins — assuming the end goal isn’t some kind of Stepford Wives arrangement, that is a bug not a feature. If you want diversity, there have to be minorities.

As the outlook as brightened, the objectives of social justice have had to re-calibrate, to nurture those nascent green shoots of power, and to give social justice campaigners something to complain about. This is exactly as Theory diagnoses about other socio-political power structures: once people have intellectual and economic power, through their organisation, they do not lightly give it up. As Theory has shifted its sights downrange from what has been accomplished to what is outstanding — and this is a bit of a moving target — its hostility to criticism has deepened. It has become illiberal. Its own language games and the power structures they comprise — by its own Theory, that’s what they are — have sanctified, and challenge to them more sacrilegious, through time. And so we find ourselves at a cancel culture, with even David Hume cast into the abyss. “Theory” has somehow escaped theory, has leeched out of the academy and transformed into doctrinaire, real-world militancy.

All this is, of course, highly ironic: Theory has become what it most despises.

It is very easy, and Theorists are prone to do it, to confuse a robust criticism of Theory itself with a rejection of the underlying concern to address actual inequities perpetrated on marginalised groups. But to question Theory is not to be racist. Yet at its extremes, Theory says exactly this, and indeed goes further: any white or male person is irredeemably oppressive, whether or not they would quarrel with Theory. If these are the rules, it’s not like we of the privileged have much of a choice, so we might as well enjoy it. But there aren’t the rules, needless to say.

A hermeneutical transgression

So suddenly going all fascist on everything is neither necessary nor productive. Helen Pluckrose and James Lindsay are not the first to set all this out, of course — Douglas Murray’s magnificently scathing The Madness of Crowds ploughed the same furrow, but unlike Murray, Pluckrose and Lindsay hail from the left, so are harder for Theorists to dismiss out of hand. And where Murray hurls (well-aimed) thunderbolts, Cynical Theories examines the various strains of Theory in measured, careful tones. Its dismemberment is all the more effective for it.

A primer in postmodernism

Cynical Theories is thorough enough to be a fascinating review of modern philosophy in itself — there are a small number of vastly influential thinkers, from the original French post-structuralists like Foucault, Derrida and Lacan in the “first wave” — all tenured, privileged, middle-aged, white European men, of course — through to Judith Butler, Kimberlé Crenshaw, bell hooks and Candace West; not so pale, stale or male but similarly blessed — privileged? — with tenure, through which almost all the Theory literature flows. For an ideology so inimical to power as expressed through language, that is yet another great irony. But then, in Theory, ironies abound.

By the time it has reached its third wave, Theory is a “reified postmodernism”. It has moved from the original abstract sceptical disposition that there can be no truth and has inverted it. Now there is a universal truth, and it is that the prevailing “white, male, cis-gendered and hetero-normative” intellectual structures (let’s call them “Western” for the sake of space) are intrinsically abusive of, and must be subordinated to, the “lived experience” of marginalised people.

The “lived experience of the marginalised”, by contrast, is “reified”, rather abstractly, into a kind of transcendent truth, without the need for the dirty work of gathering evidence of what this lived experience of oppression actually is. These academics just seem to know. It is not clear how. You would think the daily grind of a tenured professor, however intersecting that individual’s collection of minorityships — talk about a “victim complex”! — would be rather atypical in its experience of “oppression”. Yet these people still manage to draw canonical archetypes of the “lived experience of the oppressed”, with which all members of the minority group are invited to identify, without gathering any evidence of what that “lived experience of oppression” might actually be. The justification for that: to have gather evidence is in itself an oppression: it is to be subjugated before the Western power structure — the scientific method, right? — that’s doing the oppressing in the first place.

But it is time for another irony: if to “live an experience” is to interact with a pervasive language game, it is interesting to see who is making up the rules of this game. To be sure, that’s a neat card trick, but that doesn’t stop it from being utterly preposterous. But to apply even that level of syllogism, to expose its simple-mindedness, is Western, ergo oppressive, ergo illegitimate. Checkmate, in the hermeneutic game.

But what about the actually marginalised?

So while eschewing the “Western” business of needing supporting evidence and logical argument, Theory nevertheless pronounces authoritatively on what is the “lived experience” (note: singular) of set of intersecting minorities, each of whose actual experiences, you would think, would be quite diverse. Yet those individual lives which contribute to the aggregate are subsumed into some kind of ineffable golden mean that is just known by academics. Nor is it easy to see how one can measure, at least without observation, the effect dominating Western intellectual structures actually have on those lived experiences.

But to raise these types of objection is to seek the wrong kind of enlightenment. It is to think in a Western way, and that won’t do. It’s the Theory that matters, see, even over the experience of individual at the margins: those marginalised people who don’t believe themselves to be oppressed have just been brainwashed by their Western oppressors. They are victims of some kind of Stockholm syndrome. At best they are part of the problem, not the solution.

You really can’t win. But it lays bear the illiberalism: the thing to be preserved at the expense of all else, including the marginalised themselves, is Theory. This is doctrinaire, dogmatic and despotic.

To step back outside the hermeneutic boundary again, and look at this from an unapologetically Western perspective, one can clearly see the gambit: Theory provides an alternative narrative — which is fine — but in doing so, deploys other tactics that stifle other narratives. Driving out any other possible narrative, cuckoo-style, renders Theory as no better than any other “hegemonic ideology ” — when compared with the Western liberal tradition, Pluckrose and Lindsay calmly point out, quite a lot worse — and will cause those who don’t accept Theory — and there will be plenty — to dig themselves in. The result: the burgeoning culture war we seem to be in the middle of.

As persuasion strategies go, telling your interlocutor he is, by dint of his own biology, irredeemably racist, sexist and oppressive (especially when everyone else’s biology seems to be a matter of utter conjecture) is hardly guaranteed to work. It is almost as if culture war is part of the plan.

In any case you can’t make an ought out of an is, as David Hume told us (before he was — ahh — cancelled), and that ought to be the overriding lesson of post-modernism: there is no legitimate way of moving from description to prescription.

We should not get stuck at a place of maximum plurality, where there are no rules and structures which can arbitrate on competing views; instead, we must resort to pragmatic heuristics: “do what seems to work best” without getting ideologically fixated on it. Iterate. Adapt. Test. Trial, and embrace error. But that requires field-work. You have to be out there, working at it; making steps forward, back and sideways. The reason the rest of us accept Newtonian mechanics is not that it is true — as it turns out, it is not — but because it does the job well enough.

This is a brave book. It is thorough, careful, compelling — at times horrifying, at others tremendously funny.

People should read it, especially since Theory has escaped its academic confines in the last few years and begun to infuse corporate life.