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{{cn}}{{quote|
{{a|disaster|{{image|Dramatic look|jpg|''[[Dramatic look gopher]] goes to the [[British Bankers’ Association]]'' {{vsr|2024}}}}{{Disaster roll|LIBOR}}}}{{quote|
{{drop|“T|he courts have}} for many years been developing and using a broad concept which at times has threatened to bring chaos rather than light to the solution of the legal problems it has affected. This concept enunciates the division between questions of law and questions of fact.
{{drop|“I|f the law}} supposes that,” said Mr. Bumble, squeezing his hat emphatically in both hands, “the law is a ass—a idiot. If that’s the eye of the law, the law is a bachelor; and the worst I wish the law is that his eye may be opened by experience—by experience.”
:—''{{plainlink|https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/810/|What is a “Question of Law”?}}'', Arthur W. Phelps, 1949, bringing yet more chaos to the table.
}}{{quote|
{{drop|“I|f the law}} supposes that,” said Mr. Bumble,“the law is a ass—a idiot. If that’s the eye of the law, the law is a bachelor; and the worst I wish the law is that his eye may be opened by experience—by experience.”
:— Charles Dickens, ''Oliver Twist''}}
:— Charles Dickens, ''Oliver Twist''}}


{{drop|T|om Hayes’ appeal}} from his conviction for “[[LIBOR]] rigging” follows Matt Connolly’s and Gavin Black’s acquittals in 2022 on equivalent US charges relating to the same actions. It centres on a two-limbed question:  
== LIBOR: deep background ==


''What do the LIBOR and EURIBOR fixing rules mean?''
==== Banks have structural interest rate risk ====
{{drop|T|he basic model}} of a bank is to borrow, short-term, at a low rate, and lend, long-term, at a high rate. Generally, banks calculate interest on deposits, by which they borrow, at a [[Floating rate|floating]] rate and on term loans, by which they lend, at [[Fixed rate|fixed]] rates.


''Whose job was it to decide what they meant, and by reference to what?''
There is a straightforward reason for this: [[Deposit|call deposit]]s don’t have a term; they can be withdrawn at any time. All you can do is apply a prevailing daily rate.<ref>You could look at deposits as “rolling overnight term loans”. Their fixed interest therefore resets each day. Yes: there are such things as term deposits, but roughly 70% of deposits are overnight. (see ''{{Plainlink|https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/statistics/tables|Bank of England statistics}}'').</ref> On the other hand most people borrow for a fixed term and want certainty on how much interest they must pay, so prefer fixed interest.


====LIBOR and the business of banking====
Since banks ''borrow'' in floating and ''lend'' in fixed, they have “''structural'' interest rate risk”. It is a natural function of how banks work. They want floating rates to be low, and to move lower. If they don’t manage this risk, things can get funky, fast. Just ask [[Silicon Valley Bank]].
{{drop|T|he basic model}} of a bank is to borrow, short-term, at a low rate, and lend, long-term, at a high rate. ''Generally'' banks calculate interest on overnight deposits, by which they borrow, at a [[Floating rate|floating]] rate. And they charge interest on the term loans, which they lend, at [[Fixed rate|fixed]] rates.  


''Generally'', therefore, banks ''borrow'' in floating and ''lend'' in fixed. They have “structural interest rate risk”. They want floating rates to be low.  In that case, all other things being equal, they make money. (All other things are not always equal, though, as we know (but, apparently, Silicon Valley Bank did not).)
So knowing what that floating rate is, and managing it, is an important risk management function for the bank. A risk well managed is called a “return”. The floating rate is different from the central bank’s base rate, and moves daily in response to market conditions.


So, a foundational question: How to determine what that floating rate should be, day to day?  
Where does this “floating rate” come from, then?  


Enter the [[British Bankers’ Association]]. This was just the sleepy, city-grandees-in-a-smoke-filled-gentlemen’s-club-in-Threadneedle-Street of your imagination. Inasmuch as it ever did anything useful, the BBA compiled LIBOR, sleepily, by inviting about 18 banks, literally, to ''phone in'' the rate at which they could borrow in various currencies and maturities in the market each day,  
In the good old days, each bank worked out its own floating rates based on its own models, funding costs and market positioning. This process was neither transparent nor standardised. Rates could vary significantly between similar banks. As long as interest rates were not tradable instruments, this did not much matter to banks: they just told their customers what the floating rate was each day, and that was that.


The BBA would then  “trim” the top and bottom four submissions and average the remainder to produce a daily LIBOR rate for each currency and maturity, then toddle off for a liquid lunch before their regular three o’clock tee time.
In the early nineteen eighties, some [[First Men|bright sparks]] at [[Salomon Brothers]] figured out how to make interest rates into a tradable instrument. To standardise that instrument, the banks realised they would need a common way of describing how their interest rates change through time. A “benchmark”.


The banks could then set their rates for deposits and loans — based on the day’s published LIBOR rate. Happy, dull stuff.
==== Chess club ====
{{Drop|E|nter the}} the [[British Bankers’ Association]]. This was just the sleepy, city-grandees-in-a-smoke-filled-gentlemen’s-club-in-Threadneedle-Street of your imagination. It began to compile what it called the “London Interbank Offered Rate” “[[LIBOR]]”. This was to be an objective distillation of all the major banks’ borrowing rates.  


Notwithstanding that this process played an important part in the world’s financial plumbing, LIBOR submitting was yet a dull, unexotic backwater. All the cool kids were out shorting structured credit.
The method the BBA chose to compile it was simple: it invited 18 major banks to
literally, ''phone in'' what they believed they could borrow in various currencies and maturities in the market each day. The BBA would then compile the submissions, “trim” off the top and bottom four, average the rest and publish a set of daily LIBOR rates for each currency and maturity, before toddling off for a liquid lunch at the Garrick and their regular three o’clock tee time at Wentworth.  


As per the basic model, to manage their structural interest rate risk, banks ''generally'' would want LIBOR low — but deposits are not the only show in town. Some banks — principally those that were  swap dealers — had exposure to the interest rate market through swaps.
You get the picture.


Here, the bank “swaps” interest rates with its customers: one customer might pay a fixed rate and receive a floating rate; another might swap floating for fixed.  
With LIBOR published, the banks could then set their rates for call deposits, calculate suitable fixed rates for new term loans, and more importantly trade standardised interest rate instruments  by reference to the new LIBOR “benchmark”.  


If a dealer swaps a fixed rate for a floating rate, and then LIBOR goes up, by definition the replacement value of its incoming floating rate will increase — a stream of 3.25% cashflows is numerically worth more than a stream of 3.00% cashflows, all else being equal — while the replacement cost of the outgoing fixed rate stays the same. The bank’s net position in that swap —its “[[mark-to-market]] exposure” — has moved [[in-the-money]].
Happy, unadventurous stuff, carried out by happy, unadventurous people. Look: we don’t want to run the interest rate-setting crowd down, but before 2007, the LIBOR rate setting process was like the after-school chess club: snoresville. All the cool kids were out shagging, smoking weed and shorting structured credit. None of the hepcats paid much attention to LIBOR.


While dealers try to balance their customer swaps to offset each other as far as possible, they may also wish to manage that structural interest rate risk that arises from their normal banking activities.  
Now. It is one of JC’s [[Financial disasters roll of honour|axioms of financial scandal]] that [[Air crashes v financial crashes|''calumny happens where you least expect it'']]. This is because success in financial services is in large part about “[[edge]]”, and you generally only find an [[edge]] where no-one else is looking for it.


What with all the frenetic customer activity and market conditions constantly changing it is quite conceivable that, though simplistically a bank should always want the LIBOR rate to be low to improve its spread on deposits against loans, the positioning of its interest rate derivatives book might offset or even reverse that such that it might suit the bank for LIBOR to be ''high''.  
==== The cool kids ====
{{Drop|T|om Hayes was}} a cool kid (''metaphorically'': literally he has been described as “socially awkward”) but he hung out in the chess club. He, and a bunch of other groovers, found some [[edge]] there, where no one was looking for it. No one bothered them and they didn’t do a lot of harm — not, at least, that anyone has been since able to point to. But they sent each other lots of [[embarrassing emails]].  


The question arises: when submitting a rate, what account can you take of your bank’s derivatives trading book?
In any case, they made an effort to submit LIBOR rates that suited their derivatives trading positions and not, necessarily, their banks’ structural interest rate positions.
==== The LIBOR Definition====
{{drop|T|he [[UK Finance|BBA]]’s guidance}} came in the form of “Instructions to BBA LIBOR Contributor Banks”. The critical part of these — what the court called the “LIBOR Definition” — ran as follows:


{{Quote|“An individual BBA LIBOR Contributor Panel Bank will contribute '''''the rate at which it could borrow funds''''', were it to do so by asking for and then accepting inter-bank offers in reasonable market size just prior to 1100.”}}
That this all came to light as a result of the unrelated “lowballing” scandal, after which lots of people began looking very hard at LIBOR, and not liking what they saw.


On any day there would be a range of rates available to a bank at which it ''could'' borrow. These might be firm offers from other lenders, good faith estimates or model outputs. Say the range on a given day was between 2.50% and 2.53%. Which of these was, for the purpose of the LIBOR Definition, “the rate at which it could borrow funds”? Plainly, a submitter could not submit all of them.  
Another one of JC’s axioms: [[If you like sausages, don’t work in a smallgoods factory|''if you like sausages, don’t work in a smallgoods factory'']].


It seems to JC the logical options (leaving aside their legality for a moment) were:  
As per the “basic banking model”, to manage its structural interest rate risk, a bank ''generally'' would want LIBOR to be low. But deposits are not the only show in town — there are other exposures to the interest rate market: notably, the new tradable instruments: [[interest rate swap]]s.


''Pick one of the available rates'': Choose one rate from those that were genuinely available per the bank’s good faith enquiry as above.  
==== Interest rate swaps ====
{{Drop|I|n an interest}} rate swap, the bank “swaps” interest rates with individual counterparties: it might, for an agreed period, pay one counterparty a fixed rate and receive from it a floating rate; with another it might pay floating and receive fixed.  


''Make a blended rate'':  Contrive some artificial rate from within that range, reflecting a weighted average, or some such thing.
Before the advent of swaps, the only way of getting exposure to interest rates was by borrowing and lending principal. This required a lot of money down.<ref>It is a [[a swap as a loan|misconception]] that interest rate swaps do not involve principal borrowing and lending, but that is a story for another day</ref> Interest rate swaps got popular, fast. There are now trillions of dollars in notional interest rate swaps outstanding on any day.


''Make one up'': Submit a rate that did not fall within the estimated range, whether lower or higher.
Unlike basic banking, there is no structural bias to swap trading. If a bank swaps a five-year fixed rate for a five-year floating rate, and LIBOR then goes up, by definition the bank profits: the “[[present value]]” of its incoming floating rate will increase while the [[present value]]  of its outgoing fixed rate stays the same. The dealer is therefore “[[in-the-money]]”. If it swapped floating for fixed in the same case, it would book a corresponding loss.


“Making something up” plainly falls outside the scope of the LIBOR Definition. “Making a blended rate” does not quite match the literal text, but perhaps captures its spirit. But in any case, Hayes did neither of these things.
While banks try to balance their books so their portfolio of customer swaps offset each other as far as possible, how they “position” the book might help manage the bank’s ''structural'' interest rate risk.  


''Picking one of the available rates'' is what Hayes actually did. The complication is that Hayes actively sought out opinions as to which available rate would best suit the bank’s overall derivative trading position. That is, he was guided by the bank’s overall commercial interest, and not, well, its basic banking commercial interest.  
Under the “basic banking model”, a bank will always be “[[Axe|axed]]” for floating rates to be as low as possible. You would expect a basic bank’s LIBOR submissions to reflect that. But a swap trader who is “long” floating rates will wish floating rates to go ''higher''.  


This is the crux of the case. This, so the Crown alleges, is a punishable conspiracy to defraud. Hayes’ motivation was dishonest in light of the ''proper basis for the submission of those rates''.
This prospect, we venture, was not wildly present in the minds of the Sir Bufton Tuftons who formulated the LIBOR rules that defined how submitting banks should choose the rates they submit each day.


====“A conspiracy to defraud”====
The question arose later, even though it did not arise then: when submitting a rate, what account, if any, may a bank take of its own derivatives trading book? 
{{drop|H|ayes was indicted}} on the ancient [[common law]] offence of “conspiracy to defraud”. Criminal law minutiae, perhaps, but he was not charged with a statutory criminal offence under the [[Fraud Act 2006]]. That was enacted following a Law Commission report which recommended ''abolishing'' common law conspiracy to defraud, because it was “unfairly uncertain, and wide enough to ''have the potential to catch behaviour that should not be criminal''”.<ref>{{plainlink|https://www.gov.uk/guidance/use-of-the-common-law-offence-of-conspiracy-to-defraud--6|Attorney General guidance to the legal profession on use of conspiracy to defraud}}, November 2012.</ref>
==== The LIBOR Definition====
{{drop|T|he [[UK Finance|BBA]]’s guidance}} came in the form of “Instructions to BBA LIBOR Contributor Banks”. The critical part of these — what the court called the “LIBOR Definition” — ran as follows:


{{Quote|
{{Quote|“An individual BBA LIBOR Contributor Panel Bank will contribute ''the rate at which it could borrow funds'', were it to do so by asking for and then accepting inter-bank offers in reasonable market size just prior to 1100.”}}
“The government decided to retain it for the meantime, but accepted the case for considering repeal in the longer term.” <ref>Ibid.</ref>}}


Shout out to my buddies in Kiwiland, by the way, where all criminal offences were codified and all residual common law crimes abolished in 1961. Good job, Kiwis!
On any day there will be a range of rates at which a bank ''could'' borrow. These might be firm offers from other lenders, good faith estimates or model outputs. There is an excellent [[subjunctive]] in there, by the way: “''were'' it to do so” implies that that a submitting bank need not ''actually'' do so.  


In any case, common law conspiracy to defraud was not abolished, still hasn’t been, that is what Hayes was charged with.  
Say the range of available rates a bank sees on a given day is between 2.50% and 2.53%. Which of these is “''the'' rate at which it could borrow funds”? You can only choose one.  


The elements of the offence are, more or less, that ''there was an agreement between persons who intended to defraud someone by doing something dishonest and a likelihood of resulting loss, even if no loss arose''.<ref>This is in JC’s non-expert words. Not a criminal lawyer. May be missing something.</ref>.
Setting aside for a moment compliance with the LIBOR Definition, the possible avenues open to a bank in submitting a rate are:


The crux: was Hayes ''dishonest'' when he submitted his LIBOR rates?
''Pick an “available” rate'': Choose one of the rates from the range, as above.


That, in turn, came down to whether Hayes “deliberately disregarded the “''proper basis''” for the submission of those rates”.
''Manufacture a blended rate from the range'': Contrive some artificial rate from within that range, reflecting a median, a weighted average, or some such thing.
   
And ''that'' came down to whether Hayes’ submissions complied with the LIBOR Definition.  


If they did then, [[Q.E.D.]], he was not conspiring to defraud anyone if his submissions happened to be in his interest — though no particular emphasis fell on whether this was because it was not a fraud in the first place, or because Hayes was not, therefore, being dishonest. The court focused on the dishonesty.
''Make one up'': Submit a rate that did not fall within the estimated range, whether lower or higher.
 
So, what did the LIBOR Definition mean?
 
====Meanwhile, in Gotham City====
{{drop|N|ow, an ocean}} away, an American appeals court had considered that very question in the matter of {{casenote|United States|Connolly and Black}},<ref>{{citer|United States|Connolly and Black|2d Cir. 2022|No. 19-3806|}}</ref> two Deutsche Bank submitters convicted for manipulating LIBOR. Followers of current events may even know that the US courts overturned their convictions, considering the question before them to be one of ''fact'': the text of the “LIBOR Definition” as filtered through the prisms of grammar, usage, subject matter expert opinion and industry practice. This question of law — whether it was dishonest — depended a great deal on matters of ''fact'' — what did those submitting rates believe was permitted within the LIBOR Definition, and if that seemed far-fetched, what a reasonable person reading the definition would think it required.
 
{{quote|
The precise hypothetical question to which the LIBOR submitters were responding was at what interest rate “could” DB borrow a typical amount of cash if it were to seek interbank offers and were to accept. ''If the rate submitted is one that the bank could request, be offered, and accept, the submission, irrespective of its motivation, would not be false''.}}
 
This led the US courts to conclude that Hayes’ method — picking from a range of available rates — could not be false.
 
====Crimes and contracts====
{{Drop|B|ear in mind}} that the “legal question” to be answered here is one of criminal law, not contract. The contract is merely the factual background upon which a crime was allegedly committed.
 
Under the intellectual theory of criminal law, ignorance or misunderstanding of the law is no excuse. This is axiomatic for an effective criminal justice system, just as “all interests in cash pass by delivery” is to finance. The system would not work defendants were allowed to plead ignorance, even presumptively. ''Ignorantia legis non excusat'', if you are blameless in your inadvertence, is a moral iniquity but still a logical imperative of government.
 
The same imperative does not hold for a contract. Quite the opposite: the whole theory of contract is that the parties ''are'' materially cognisant of the whole thing. That is what [[offer]] and [[acceptance]] requires. So the rules of contractual interpretation have forged a different path:
 
{{quote|
Interpretation is the ascertainment of the meaning which the document would convey to a reasonable person having all the background knowledge which would reasonably have been available to the parties in the situation in which they were at the time of the contract. [...] '''The background was famously referred to by Lord Wilberforce as the “matrix of fact,” but this phrase is, if anything, an understated description of what the background may include'''. Subject to the requirement that it should have been reasonably available to the parties and to the exception to be mentioned next, it includes absolutely anything which would have affected the way in which the language of the document would have been understood by a reasonable man.
:—Lord Hoffman in {{cite|Investors Compensation Scheme Ltd|West Bromwich Building Society|1998|1 WLR|896}}}}
 
A couple of observations:
 
One: plainly, what a contract means is, in some way, fact-dependent. It is not, purely, a matter of law. A contract is evidence of the parties’ agreement. It is not sovereign to it.
 
Another: how ''everyone'' behaved when interacting with the LIBOR Definition helps work out what a reasonable person would have understood it to mean. There is no better indication of reasonableness than direct evidence of the actual belief of fellow [[Man on the Clapham Omnibus|passengers on the Clapham Omnibus]].
 
There is here the odd spectre of the law of [[contract]] forming the backdrop, and comprising some of the elements of a criminal allegation. This is rare. Usually, the criminal authorities stay well out of commercial disputes, even where allegations of fraud are flying around — there is a civil tort of fraud — seeing it as a matter of civil loss between merchants perfectly able to look after themselves, and not one requiring the machinery of the state. 
 
[[LIBOR]], on whom the mortgage repayments of unwitting retail punters depend, made things a bit different.  This is no private matter to be sorted out between gentlemen with revolvers. Nevertheless, still one must apply contractual principles, not criminal ones, to matters of contractual practice.
 
====Everyone was at it====
{{drop|A| fun game}}, if you have twenty minutes, is to google the names of the {{plainlink|https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Libor|LIBOR panel banks}} to see which were ''not'' somehow implicated in so-called “LIBOR rigging”. If you haven’t got twenty minutes, the WSJ’s brilliant interactive {{plainlink|https://graphics.wsj.com/libor-network/|spider network}} will give you the answer in an instant.
 
''Everyone'' was at it.
 
We must draw one of two conclusions: ''either'' there was a colossal conspiracy by which everyone was trying to rip off the general public ''or this is how everyone understood LIBOR to work''.
 
Bear in mind: borrowing at the lowest rate
 
It might not be edifying, but employees have fiduciary obligations to their shareholders, and if everyone acts according to those fiduciary obligations — or even their own personal self-interests — the selfishness cancels itself out. This is ''exactly'' the logic of Adam Smith’s [[Free market|invisible hand]].
 
Now, seeing as the different desks and functions of a universal bank borrow in different markets, from different counterparties and in different circumstances, clearly, there will be no single unitary rate that the market will offer. The submitter will be confronted with a range of rates. Plainly it would be odd to submit a rate that was completely ''outside'' that range, but each of those rates counts as “''a'' rate at which it could borrow funds”.
 
The judgment interpreted that as the ''lowest'' of the submitted rates in the range.
 
{{Quote|In the LIBOR Definition what is required is an assessment of the rate at which the panel bank “could borrow”.  ''That must mean the cheapest rate at which it could borrow''.  A borrower “can” always borrow at a higher rate than the lowest on offer.  But the higher rate would not reflect what the LIBOR benchmark is seeking to achieve, namely identification of the bank’s cost of borrowing in the wholesale cash market at the relevant moment of time.  If in a stable and liquid market a submitting bank seeks and receives offers for a reasonable market size at the very time it is to make its submission, and receives offers ranging from 2.50% to 2.53%, it would accept the offer at 2.50%. It would be absurd to suggest that the LIBOR question could then properly be answered by a submission of 2.53%. The bank “could” borrow at that rate in the sense that it was a rate which was available, but that is obviously not what “could” means.}}
 
There is some economic logic to this argument, though it seems a brutal grounds for sending someone to prison for 14 years given how easy it would have been for those drafting the LIBOR rules to have put the matter beyond any doubt: namely, by inserting the word “lowest”:
 
{{Quote|“An individual BBA LIBOR Contributor Panel Bank will contribute the ''lowest'' rate at which it could borrow funds ...}}
 
And the argument here is not about economic reality, but legal meaning, and legal meaning follows natural, ordinary meanings, and in the world of contractual interpretation, they tend to be construed from the perspective of the person endeavouring to perform the contract and [[Contra proferentem|against the draftsperson’s interest]], giving the benefit of the doubt to the reader.
 
As a matter of plain English, the court openly concedes that “could” does not logically rule out a higher rate, but implies it: “a borrower ''can'' always borrow at a higher rate than the lowest one on offer”.
 
But — per the wording in the LIBOR definition — there is not an unlimited upper bound to that: it is delimited by the range of “inter-bank offers in reasonable market size just prior to 1100”.  


A submitted could not submit a rate higher than that actually offered range any more than it could submit a rate lower than the actually offered range.  
“Making one up” plainly falls outside the scope of the LIBOR Definition. “Making a blended rate” does not quite conform to its text, but perhaps captures its spirit.


To conclude this “could” does not mean that, therefore, involves ''implying'' a term into the contract. Inserting an adjective that the drafters of the rules could easily have included ''but chose not to''.  
To an uncomplicated reading, “picking one of the available rates” seems to fall squarely ''within'' the LIBOR Definition. This was a rate at which the bank ''could'' borrow funds.


Evidence was not led as to how the rules were drafted, and what flexibility the British Bankers’ Association had in mind. and after all, history has borne out that, sometimes, there are times where Banks and their regulators are rightly motivated by considerations other than the actual (lowest) rate at which one could borrow.  
This is what Hayes did. The complication is that he actively selected the available rate that best suited his or, in some cases, competitors’ derivative trading positions. That is, he was guided by his own commercial interests, and not the “structural” interests of a hypothetical basic bank.  


This is the crux of the case: was this ulterior motive ''dishonest'' in light of the “''proper basis for the submission of those rates''”? The Crown alleged it was.


{{sa}}
{{sa}}
*[[LIBOR rigging part 2]]
*[[Interest rate swap mis-selling scandal]]
*[[Contract]]
*[[Contract]]
*[[LIBOR]]
*[[LIBOR]]
{{ref}}
{{ref}}

Latest revision as of 08:49, 21 May 2024

Chez Guevara — Dining in style at the Disaster Café™
Extract from the JC’s financial disasters roll of honour
Scandal Date Where Loss Reason Firings Jail-Time?
LIBOR rigging 2009 Worldwide “If your mortgage or car-loan was pinned to Libor then perhaps you were disadvantaged by the manipulation of the rate. But it is also possible that you benefited from it.” To date, no one has been able to prove any loss. Bad apples Lots of firings of mid-level traders and rate submitters. Strange absence of exits from the Executive Suite, though you could say it contributed to Bob Diamond’s defenestration Tom Hayes and Carlo Palombo were among 37 City traders prosecuted for manipulating benchmarks Libor and Euribor. Both men spent time in prison before being released in 2021. Matt Connolly and Gavin Black were convicted in the US then their convictions were overturned in 2023.

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“If the law supposes that,” said Mr. Bumble, squeezing his hat emphatically in both hands, “the law is a ass—a idiot. If that’s the eye of the law, the law is a bachelor; and the worst I wish the law is that his eye may be opened by experience—by experience.”

— Charles Dickens, Oliver Twist

LIBOR: deep background

Banks have structural interest rate risk

The basic model of a bank is to borrow, short-term, at a low rate, and lend, long-term, at a high rate. Generally, banks calculate interest on deposits, by which they borrow, at a floating rate and on term loans, by which they lend, at fixed rates.

There is a straightforward reason for this: call deposits don’t have a term; they can be withdrawn at any time. All you can do is apply a prevailing daily rate.[1] On the other hand most people borrow for a fixed term and want certainty on how much interest they must pay, so prefer fixed interest.

Since banks borrow in floating and lend in fixed, they have “structural interest rate risk”. It is a natural function of how banks work. They want floating rates to be low, and to move lower. If they don’t manage this risk, things can get funky, fast. Just ask Silicon Valley Bank.

So knowing what that floating rate is, and managing it, is an important risk management function for the bank. A risk well managed is called a “return”. The floating rate is different from the central bank’s base rate, and moves daily in response to market conditions.

Where does this “floating rate” come from, then?

In the good old days, each bank worked out its own floating rates based on its own models, funding costs and market positioning. This process was neither transparent nor standardised. Rates could vary significantly between similar banks. As long as interest rates were not tradable instruments, this did not much matter to banks: they just told their customers what the floating rate was each day, and that was that.

In the early nineteen eighties, some bright sparks at Salomon Brothers figured out how to make interest rates into a tradable instrument. To standardise that instrument, the banks realised they would need a common way of describing how their interest rates change through time. A “benchmark”.

Chess club

Enter the the British Bankers’ Association. This was just the sleepy, city-grandees-in-a-smoke-filled-gentlemen’s-club-in-Threadneedle-Street of your imagination. It began to compile what it called the “London Interbank Offered Rate” — “LIBOR”. This was to be an objective distillation of all the major banks’ borrowing rates.

The method the BBA chose to compile it was simple: it invited 18 major banks to literally, phone in what they believed they could borrow in various currencies and maturities in the market each day. The BBA would then compile the submissions, “trim” off the top and bottom four, average the rest and publish a set of daily LIBOR rates for each currency and maturity, before toddling off for a liquid lunch at the Garrick and their regular three o’clock tee time at Wentworth.

You get the picture.

With LIBOR published, the banks could then set their rates for call deposits, calculate suitable fixed rates for new term loans, and more importantly trade standardised interest rate instruments by reference to the new LIBOR “benchmark”.

Happy, unadventurous stuff, carried out by happy, unadventurous people. Look: we don’t want to run the interest rate-setting crowd down, but before 2007, the LIBOR rate setting process was like the after-school chess club: snoresville. All the cool kids were out shagging, smoking weed and shorting structured credit. None of the hepcats paid much attention to LIBOR.

Now. It is one of JC’s axioms of financial scandal that calumny happens where you least expect it. This is because success in financial services is in large part about “edge”, and you generally only find an edge where no-one else is looking for it.

The cool kids

Tom Hayes was a cool kid (metaphorically: literally he has been described as “socially awkward”) but he hung out in the chess club. He, and a bunch of other groovers, found some edge there, where no one was looking for it. No one bothered them and they didn’t do a lot of harm — not, at least, that anyone has been since able to point to. But they sent each other lots of embarrassing emails.

In any case, they made an effort to submit LIBOR rates that suited their derivatives trading positions and not, necessarily, their banks’ structural interest rate positions.

That this all came to light as a result of the unrelated “lowballing” scandal, after which lots of people began looking very hard at LIBOR, and not liking what they saw.

Another one of JC’s axioms: if you like sausages, don’t work in a smallgoods factory.

As per the “basic banking model”, to manage its structural interest rate risk, a bank generally would want LIBOR to be low. But deposits are not the only show in town — there are other exposures to the interest rate market: notably, the new tradable instruments: interest rate swaps.

Interest rate swaps

In an interest rate swap, the bank “swaps” interest rates with individual counterparties: it might, for an agreed period, pay one counterparty a fixed rate and receive from it a floating rate; with another it might pay floating and receive fixed.

Before the advent of swaps, the only way of getting exposure to interest rates was by borrowing and lending principal. This required a lot of money down.[2] Interest rate swaps got popular, fast. There are now trillions of dollars in notional interest rate swaps outstanding on any day.

Unlike basic banking, there is no structural bias to swap trading. If a bank swaps a five-year fixed rate for a five-year floating rate, and LIBOR then goes up, by definition the bank profits: the “present value” of its incoming floating rate will increase while the present value of its outgoing fixed rate stays the same. The dealer is therefore “in-the-money”. If it swapped floating for fixed in the same case, it would book a corresponding loss.

While banks try to balance their books so their portfolio of customer swaps offset each other as far as possible, how they “position” the book might help manage the bank’s structural interest rate risk.

Under the “basic banking model”, a bank will always be “axed” for floating rates to be as low as possible. You would expect a basic bank’s LIBOR submissions to reflect that. But a swap trader who is “long” floating rates will wish floating rates to go higher.

This prospect, we venture, was not wildly present in the minds of the Sir Bufton Tuftons who formulated the LIBOR rules that defined how submitting banks should choose the rates they submit each day.

The question arose later, even though it did not arise then: when submitting a rate, what account, if any, may a bank take of its own derivatives trading book?

The LIBOR Definition

The BBA’s guidance came in the form of “Instructions to BBA LIBOR Contributor Banks”. The critical part of these — what the court called the “LIBOR Definition” — ran as follows:

“An individual BBA LIBOR Contributor Panel Bank will contribute the rate at which it could borrow funds, were it to do so by asking for and then accepting inter-bank offers in reasonable market size just prior to 1100.”

On any day there will be a range of rates at which a bank could borrow. These might be firm offers from other lenders, good faith estimates or model outputs. There is an excellent subjunctive in there, by the way: “were it to do so” implies that that a submitting bank need not actually do so.

Say the range of available rates a bank sees on a given day is between 2.50% and 2.53%. Which of these is “the rate at which it could borrow funds”? You can only choose one.

Setting aside for a moment compliance with the LIBOR Definition, the possible avenues open to a bank in submitting a rate are:

Pick an “available” rate: Choose one of the rates from the range, as above.

Manufacture a blended rate from the range: Contrive some artificial rate from within that range, reflecting a median, a weighted average, or some such thing.

Make one up: Submit a rate that did not fall within the estimated range, whether lower or higher.

“Making one up” plainly falls outside the scope of the LIBOR Definition. “Making a blended rate” does not quite conform to its text, but perhaps captures its spirit.

To an uncomplicated reading, “picking one of the available rates” seems to fall squarely within the LIBOR Definition. This was a rate at which the bank could borrow funds.

This is what Hayes did. The complication is that he actively selected the available rate that best suited his or, in some cases, competitors’ derivative trading positions. That is, he was guided by his own commercial interests, and not the “structural” interests of a hypothetical basic bank.

This is the crux of the case: was this ulterior motive dishonest in light of the “proper basis for the submission of those rates”? The Crown alleged it was.

See also

References

  1. You could look at deposits as “rolling overnight term loans”. Their fixed interest therefore resets each day. Yes: there are such things as term deposits, but roughly 70% of deposits are overnight. (see Bank of England statistics).
  2. It is a misconception that interest rate swaps do not involve principal borrowing and lending, but that is a story for another day