Talk:Lucy Letby: Difference between revisions

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====Doubt====
====The confirmation biases====
Whatever the reason for it, a lack of [[direct evidence]]  of the defendant’s foul play — of ''any'' foul play — means there will always be ''some'' [[doubt]]. ''No one saw anything.'' ''[[Inference]]'' is needed. The question is whether the inference is justified. Has the prosecution done enough to remove all ''reasonable'' doubt?
Prominent public supporters of the convictions to date:
*Dr. Jayaram (prosecution witness
*Dr Evans (prosecution expert witness)
*Judith Moritz and Liz Hull
*Christopher Snowden
As the debate has developed their numbers have not risen. All have some personal stake in affirming the convictions other than Snowdon who, as a paid lobbyist for the alcohol and tobacco industries, we might say, is a professional holder of confirmation biases.


In some types of crime — burglary, say — we should expect no [[direct evidence]]: competent burglars target unmonitored environments where there are no witnesses.
Now, true, those professing Letby’s innocence are prone to confirmation bias too. but if you looked at it probabilistically, the competing “confirmation biases” are these:


Burglars, we fancy, would steer well clear of the intensive care unit in a neonatal hospital. For there could hardly be a worse environment to get away with crime. Entries and exits are monitored and audited. Medicine is logged, controlled, secured and signed in and out. Medical experts conduct routine rounds and check on patients around the clock. Biochemistry is complex and its signals are delicate. There are specialists at hand with deep expertise and sophisticated machinery who can detect the merest traces of the unusual or sinister.
the likelihood of a [[healthcare serial murder]]er (an ''extremely'' unlikely scenario) to a very high degree of certainty (>95% confidence level)


So the lack of such evidence is a curious feature of the “[[healthcare serial murder]]” cases. This one is no exception. ''No-one saw Ms. Letby doing any harm''.  
the likelihood of a spike in neonatal deaths in a specific location with any other cause at all, to a very ''low'' degree of certainty (>5% confidence level).


Avoiding eyewitnesses, let alone forensic detection, would require great skill, caution and planning. You would expect a malign perpetrator to refine and perfect a careful technique a ''modus operandi'' — and stick with it.  
Now it is true that there is more evidence than just a statistical spike: there were also specific forensic findings, documentation irregularities, and behavioural evidence that factor into the overall probability assessment. And the "[[beyond reasonable doubt|reasonable doubt]]" standard isn’t purely mathematical it’s about whether alternative explanations are reasonable given all available evidence, not just whether they're statistically possible.


You would ''not'' expect a skilful murderer to make opportunistic attacks, to use multiple, unrelated methods or to improvise on the spot to suit the circumstances.  
In the absence of direct evidence, all [[circumstantial evidence]] amounts to an [[inference]] that makes the allegation more or less likely. In cases built on circumstantial evidence, what we’re doing is building a probabilistic case through multiple layers of inference. To be sure, you can’t precisely quantify it, but that is not to say it is not a question of probability.  The prosecution’ compiles enough of these probability-modifying factors to cross the [[beyond reasonable doubt]] threshold, while the defence only needs to introduce enough doubt in any of these inferential chains to keep the total probability below that threshold.


Certainly not one under active suspicion. The hospital’s lead consultants raised concerns with management about Ms. Letby as early as October 2015.  
This is why the “coincidence” argument is so central. The multiplication of improbable coincidences makes the innocent explanation vanishingly unlikely. But this reasoning is vulnerable to several statistical criticisms, such as the [[Texas sharpshooter]] fallacy and [[selection bias]].


Yet this is what Ms. Letby is supposed to have done, and still left no implicating evidence. Over 13 months, Ms. Letby is alleged to have variously injected air intravenously, injected it via nasogastric tube, caused blunt force trauma to internal organs (quite how, is not clear), overfed with milk, dislodged breathing tubes, poisoned with insulin, and physically throttled.  
In the absence of compelling direct or even [[circumstantial evidence]] (and much of the forensic evidence has been strongly criticised) it comes down to probabilities. This is where Bayesian reasoning comes in: if you have [[direct evidence]] of actual direct harm, that changes the priors. If you don’t then really the prior probabilities are all you have.


Ms Letby was described in the court as premeditated, calculating and cunning, using a number of different methods, thereby misleading clinicians into believing the collapses had a natural cause.
And the absence of direct evidence over a sustained period in as heavily controlled, regulated and monitored an environment as a hospital, especially against a person who has no known expertise in serial murder and took no known steps to research methods of killing without leaving evidence, is telling in itself.


Perhaps — or maybe the collapses did just have a natural cause. There is one other germane feature of an intensive care unit: visitors tend, by unfortunate necessity, to be ''very, very sick''. They have an unusually high probability of dying. If they did not, they would not be there.
There is a kind of paradox here: the very absence of evidence over such a sustained period, in such a tightly monitored environment, against someone with no apparent expertise in committing these crimes let alone avoiding detection, becomes probative in itself. It makes the prosecution narrative require additional unlikely assumptions about extraordinary competence in evidence elimination that nothing else in the case supports.


====Onus====
This fits into a Bayesian framework because the probability of seeing a pattern of “no clear evidence” would be higher under “innocent” explanations — where of course there could be no such evidence as against the murder hypothesis, where such evidence would potentially exist, so there would be a presumption that a tightly monitored environment would catch it. would expect some physical or direct evidence to emerge given the circumstances.
And that is a heavy onus. Between prosecution and defence it is not a straight fight: the prosecution must prove its case [[beyond reasonable doubt]]. If it is incumbent on a defendant to prove ''anything'' technically it isn’t, but practically it would be a brave defendant who did not — it is simply that there is ''some'' credible doubt.  


When a seriously ill patient dies in intensive care, even unexpectedly, and nothing beyond mere presence implicates any perpetrator, ''there is credible doubt.''
This is why, i think, the "letby is guilty" faction are at pains to de-escalate the importance of statistical analysis


For each of the Countess of Chester collapses ''taken in isolation'' there is reasonable doubt that the victim was the subject of foul play, let alone that Ms. Letby was responsible for it. Indeed, foul play was not initially suspected in any of them.
====Letby canards====
{{Gb|'''Admissions''': Ms. Letby admitted someone was poisoning on the ward<li>
'''You weren’t there''': If you weren’t at the trial you can’t know: “context is everything”, and guilt with events through a combination of interlocking facts. This is a kind of “[[emergence]]” argument. It is routinely run, ironically enough, by people who ''also'' were not at the trial.<li>
'''The Judgment''': You haven’t read the {{pl|https://www.judiciary.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/R-v-Letby-Final-Judgment-20240702.pdf|Court of Appeal judgment}} so you can’t possibly know.<li>
'''Insulin inference''': Regarding the “concrete” insulin evidence, the prosecution argued: “if the jury could agree that Letby had deliberately poisoned two babies, they could also reasonably conclude that she had harmed others using different methods even if the evidence in those cases was less concrete.”: (Sub point: some of those who criticise the trial ''were'' at the trial).<li>
'''Improbable cluster''': The jump in annual deaths from three to seven and eight strongly indicates foul play: not according to the, er, {{pl|https://www.researchgate.net/publication/384043212_How_unusual_was_the_spike_in_neonatal_deaths_when_Lucy_Letby_was_working|statistics}}<li>
'''This case has nothing to do with statistics''': Oh, but it is: this is ''the fundamental position'' that guilty case must defend, otherwise the whole case collapses. Factually, that is how the suspicion arose: initially the incidents were not considered suspicious: Nick Johnson KC: “as the deaths continued, with Letby present at every one, consultants realised she was the “common denominator”.<ref>“What juries that found Letby guilty were told,” the Times, Saturday, September 14 2024.</ref> So the statistics underlies all other evidence. The Bayesian priors all point away from Lucy Letby. It is the ''[[sine qua non]]'' of the case. Also an anchoring and [[confirmation bias]]. This is how the “[[Texas sharpshooter]]” fallacy starts.  <li>'''Circumstantial evidence''': Circumstantial evidence speaks for itself — oh, there’s that confusion about probabilities again.<li>'''Motivation of innocence campaigners''': Innocence campaigners use the families’ grief to build their own reputations.<ref>Richard Baker KC, at the {{pl|https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2024/sep/12/ghoulish-sideshow-lucy-letby-victims-barrister-speaks-parents-behalf|Thirlwell Inquiry}}. Yet the motivation of the guilty campaigners are even more pronounced: all but one of the major public figures supporting the convictions have direct professional or monetary interests in the convictions being upheld. The other one is a professional lobbyist! </ref><li>'''Virtual red-hands''': Letby was almost caught “virtually red-handed”, standing over the babies.<li>'''Covered tracks''': Ms. Letby “covered her tracks” by erasing data from hospital records. In particular, erasing records of Baby E’s mother’s visit and Ms. Letby’s own presence with the baby at the time of its collapse: there seems to be little direct evidence of this — it is inferred from incomplete hospital records or inconsistencies with witnesses who claimed to have been present (i.e., she ''must'' have altered them) — which is one explanation: another is that witnesses were mistaken or — given the allegation of under-resourcing and mismanagement, another (and most likely) is that the records were never made, or not kept.<li>'''Circumstantial evidence again''': It’s no big deal that the case is only about circumstantial evidence: Lots of people get convicted on circumstantial evidence alone. Differences between circumstantial cases where there ''definitely was a murder'' (e.g. [[David Bain]]) with circumstantial cases where there was not ([[Lindy Chamberlain]]). Witness the Thirlwall kerfuffle about extubation rates while Ms Letby was at the Royal Liverpool. How would extubation data arise? Presumably, it does not auto-generate, but is collected by those observing extubations—e.g., rostered nurses? Even if mandatory there is an element of discretion here: a diligent nurse would generate “worse” stats than a slipshod one. So —. (This is the problem with [[circumstantial evidence]], in a nutshell: it does not “speak for itself” (pace Ken Macdonald KC) but requires an imaginative, narrative act of [[inference]]. The same data permits many, contradictory inferences. The difference is not the evidence, but your inference. Circumstantial evidence is not “facts”.)<li>'''That judge’s direction''': “You don’t need to be know how she did it as long as you are sure she did it”. There are different scenarios:{{l1}}
Death definitely has 1 of 3 causes, the defendant definitely was responsible for all 3, jury need not be sure which of the 3 it was.  ''Does not apply here'': no direct evidence, no finite set of causes. Some natural causes. <li>
Death definitely has 1 of 3 causes, defendant definitely responsible for 2. Jury must be sure it was not the 3rd cause. Between the other 2, 1. above applies. ''Does not apply here'' for same reason as 1. <li>
Death definitely has 1 of 3 causes, defendant *may* have been responsible for all of them. If they do not know which it was, Jury must still be certain defendant was responsible for all three. Does not apply here: Same as 1 above. In Ms Letby’s case, there were an unknown set of possible causes, some innocent, some malign, it was not clear she was even responsible for the malign ones. Since you can’t rule out unknown innocent causes, if they don’t know how Ms. Letby committed the acts, the jury can’t be “sure” she committed them.}}


How can a series individual cases which have reasonable doubt turn into a collection of cases where there is none?
There’s no need to suggest anyone acted in bad faith.
This is the essence of [[prosecutor’s tunnel vision]]: a series of cognitive biases lead into a logical ''cul-de-sac'' it is hard to get out of.
The same biases can also apply to innocence campaigners. but the “guilty” campaign will find it harder to back out of their cul-de-sac. The innocence case commits only to the weak proposition that “there is reasonable doubt”. It is easy enough to walk that back. It is harder to resile from the proposition: “I have no doubt”.


====Probability====
Because of the co-dependency of the circumstantial evidence, the case depends on an all-or-none approach. The argument cannot stand case that Letby was responsible for some collapses, but not others, because evidence for the individual cases would not by itself discharge the burden of proof. That Ms Letby was somehow ''causative'' of collapses is a long way short of saying she wilfully inflicted them. She may have been causative by omission. By choosing the wrong option in an emergency situation. Perhaps her clinical practice was ineffective. Perhaps she was negligent — even reckless, in individual cases. The prosecution case obliges us, in those cases, to attribute to malice what is more probably caused by error.
{{quote|Once is happenstance. Twice is coincidence. Three times is enemy action.
:—Ian Fleming, ''Goldfinger''}}
The answer is ''probability''.  


It is sometimes said that Ms. Letby was “not tried by statistics”, the implication being that probabilities did therefore not influence her conviction. But this is not right: a case depending on [[circumstantial evidence]] is necessarily about probabilities. The “probative value” of circumstantial evidence is: “Does this make it more or less likely that an event, which no one witnessed, happened?”
====Interlude====
Probabilities are confusing things.


True, statistics are not always an appropriate lens to assess probabilities, especially where data are limited or collected in unusual circumstances. But the shift data ''are'' statistics. The Crown may not have framed its arguments about them that way, but its arguments ''were'' statistical: the shift data have no probative value ''other than as statistics''.
Say a nurse works, on average, 56 hours per week. she will be on duty for one-third of the week, or one shift in three. A year comprises 1095 eight-hour shifts. We would expect our nurse to work 365 shifts on average.


Now: flip a fair coin once and heads is as likely as tails — that’s “happenstance”. Flip it twice and, while two heads are less likely, they still carry a one-in-four chance — that’s “coincidence”.  
How safe is a guess that our nurse will work at least 25 shifts in the year? Yes, barring unexpected events, she almost certainly will. We can choose 25 shifts from the 365 she actually worked quite easily: We have 317,289,491,593,508,738,514,256,079,646,867,087,834 different combinations of twenty-five shifts! Still, that number is ''minuscule'' compared to all possible permutations of 25 shifts from the whole 1,095.  


But flip it ''twenty-five'' times and you have a ''less than one in thirty million'' chance of getting twenty-five heads. If you get this result, it is most unlikely your coin is “fair”.<ref>This makes the outrageous assumption that the “base rate” of “unfair coins” in a given sample is more than one in thirty million.</ref>
Which twenty-five? Well, there are a lot of choices. 365 is a much bigger number than 25, so we can see immediately the odds are very close to one.


This is why the shift data is so important: it is the equivalent of a string of twenty-five coin flips that all came up heads. It can dispel those “credible doubts” in individual cases: okay, ''one'' collapse may have been innocent. Two, a coincidence. But ''twenty five''?
If there is a single clinching argument in the evidence presented against Ms. Letby, this was surely it.
But it only holds ''if the “flips” really were consecutive'': If there were ''fifty'' flips, and only twenty-five came up heads, that would not be unusual at all.<ref>To be precise, not quite: there would be 49.65% chance of happening, a [[chatbot]] I know reliably informs me.</ref>
And here we come to the statistical problems with the shift data. It was a small selection from a much bigger sample of over 700 shifts in the “suspect period”.<ref>The thirteen-month period between June 2015 and July 2016 in which the charges were laid. There is an argument that even this period brings an element of confirmation bias about it, and the enquiry should be extended to Ms. Letby’s entire tenure at the hospital.</ref> It records only the events for which Ms. Letby was charged. These all occurred, [[Q.E.D.]], while she was on duty. There is necessarily, therefore, an X by her name for every incident. The chart tells us simply that Ms. Letby was on duty ''every time she was on duty''.<ref>{{plainlink|https://triedbystats.com/|''TriedbyStats''}} has an excellent interactive feature to demonstrate the vanishing unlikelihood of ''another'' nurse being on duty for every one of Ms. Letby’s shifts.</ref> 
It has been widely criticised, perhaps most eloquently by Rachel Aviv in her ''New Yorker'' article. Aviv raises the prospect of the [[prosecutor’s fallacy]], also known as the “[[Texas sharpshooter]]”.<ref>Having peppered the side of a barn with gunshots, a marksman finds a cluster of five bullet holes within a foot of each other. Ignoring all the other bullet holes he paints a target around them and claims to be a sharpshooter.</ref> Are all the incidents included? Did any relevant events happen when Ms. Letby was not on duty? What even counts as a “relevant event”? Has inconvenient data that does not fit the narrative been omitted?
There were ten ''other'' deaths in the suspect period for which Ms. Letby was not charged. We do not know why she was not charged, nor whether she was on duty for these events. (A few commentators claim to have seen evidence that Ms. Letby was on duty for ''every'' death in the suspect period — but that evidence is not made public, and importantly was not presented at trial.)<ref>Notably {{plainlink|https://tinyurl.com/5advchd2|BBC Panorama}}: “The jury was only asked to consider seven murder charges. We’ve discovered that 13 babies died during Lucy Letby’s last year on the neonatal unit. She was on duty for every one of them.”</ref>
Had the Crown submitted a comprehensive table including ''every'' shift in the suspect period, and marked ''every'' incident on it, whether Ms. Letby was implicated or not, we might have a better story. But they did not.
The Police have hinted “further charges may be forthcoming” as they continue to review thousands of historical cases dating back to 2012,<ref>{{plainlink|https://www.scotsman.com/news/crime/nurse-lucy-letby-found-guilty-of-murdering-seven-babies-and-attempting-to-kill-six-others-in-hospital-unit-4260551|''The Scotsman''}}, 18 August 2023.</ref> but you would expect they would have found something after nine years.
====On tonewood and prosecutor’s tunnel vision====
{{quote|
{{Dsh a little learning capsule}}}}
{{drop|J|C has, [[Prosecutor’s tunnel vision|elsewhere]]}} waxed long and lyrical about the collection of cognitive biases called [[prosecutor’s tunnel vision]]. These biases tend to show up where clinching evidence does not: if there were any clinchers, things would be ''clinched''. Therefore those prosecuting — and, for that matter, defending — start to fixate on finer and finer technical details to win isolated arguments. Once one side goes down a rabbit hole, the other is obliged to follow. Insulin assay tests, entry card swipe data, the significance of skin discolourations — all have been cited as smoking guns for prosecution and defence when they are transparently nothing of the sort.
{{Quote|{{Neil postman information glut}}
:—{{author |Neil Postman}}}}
Information is fractal. The more you look at it, the more you can create: it subdivides infinitely — there is no bottom — and the more raw information you create, the more possible arguments you can have about it. This is the implication of information theory: the more data points there are, the more unique patterns you can make from them.<ref>Simply put, if you have one data point, you can make one possible combination. If you have two, you can make three (A, B, AB). If you have three, you can make seven (A,B, C, AB, BC, AC, ABC), and so on.</ref> If we take it that a theory is simply “a pattern of consistent data drawn from available information from which we can draw a valid inference”  then the more information you have, the more ''plausible'' alternative theories of the case you can make.
In other words, you cannot win an argument by simply descending further into the [[weeds]]. Those who have drunkenly debated evangelical Christians, resolute atheists, real ale connoisseurs, or [[tonewood]] freaks — JC has done all of these — will know this. The thing about descending into the oubliette is that as the points atomise, the arguments grow more heated and ''the less difference they can possibly make''.
This is the “[[tonewood]]” debate in a nutshell: sure, ''in theory'' the harmonic resonance of nitrocellulose varnish ''could'' affect the sound of an electric guitar, but not so as a mere human could possibly hear it in perfect conditions ''let alone in the moshpit at the Roxy on a sweaty night in 1976''.
Whatever did make Steve Jones’ Les Paul sound like a screaming chainsaw, that is, ''it wasn’t the varnish''.
''Zeroing in'' to draw further inferences will not help. The only way to do it is by zooming ''out''.
====Oh come on ref====
It is a common enough trajectory: we start with an ''instinct'' that a popular, diligent, young, female nurse from a stable background is the ''last'' person you would expect to be a serial murderer.
We might quietly chide ourselves about our [[unconscious bias]] in favour of ''people like us''. We might remind ourselves that natural sympathy with our in-group is not scientific, let alone ''legal evidence''. The law requires one to set that kind of prejudice — literally, prejudgment— aside and consider the evidence as it accumulates in the abstract and on its merits.
But hold on: if [[circumstantial evidence]] “changes the prior probability of an event”, it adjusts the inferences we can reasonably draw from baseline facts. Inasmuch as Ms. Letby’s background, socialisation and mental health reflect a prior probability and are not displaced by [[direct evidence]], our intuitions ''are'' useful. They are all we have. If we ignore them, our pattern-making instincts may lead us down rabbit-holes proving out weak circumstantial facts.
''This is how miscarriages of justice happen''.
The Northern Territory Coroner’s report to [[Lindy Chamberlain]]’s trial is perhaps a high watermark of [[Prosecutor’s tunnel vision|tunnel vision]]. A week after her disappearance, Azaria’s torn and bloodstained jumpsuit was discovered in the desert dirt 4 kilometres from the campsite. Rather than believing this to corroborate Ms. Chamberlain’s story that a dingo had taken the baby, the Coroner concluded:
{{quote|The evidence in relation to the clothing is consistent with an attempt to simulate a dingo attack on a child by person or persons who recovered the buried body, removed the clothing, damaged it by cutting, rubbed it in vegetation and deposited the clothes for later recovery. Such deposition is indicative that the deposition was made with the knowledge that dingos were in the area.
In addition, there is no evidence to positively support the involvement of a dingo in the taking of the child, the carrying of the body some four Kilometers and removing the body from the area where the clothes were found.}}
Prior probabilities, again: not only did [[Lindy Chamberlain]] have no ''opportunity'' to fabricate this evidence and make the eight-kilometre round trip to plant it, and not only did no-one witness her doing so, it was in any case vanishingly unlikely that a sane, well-adjusted and happily married mother of three children ''would'' do the things of which she was accused.
There really ought to have been a very good explanation of what caused such aberrant behaviour so suddenly. ''why on Earth would a mother do that?''
Barristers will remind us that motive is never required for a criminal conviction, and this is true. ''But''. If there is ''no [[direct evidence]] of wrongdoing'' and there ''is'' a plausible innocent explanation — in Ms. Letby’s case, natural causes — wrongdoing should be extremely difficult to prove beyond reasonable doubt without criminal propensity or a motive.
All else being equal, how likely is it that ''any'' person selected at random is a serial murderer? Extremely unlikely: serial murderers are extremely rare in the general population. Wikipedia records 70 in Britain since 1255. Let’s conservatively put the total number of inhabitants in the UK since 1255 at 100m: this makes the incidence of any (known) serial murderer at a bit less than one in 2 million.
Now: given that low probability, what kind of person is a serial murderer likely to be? Overwhelmingly, male, often with a history of violence, drug use, low educational attainment (including fabricated qualifications), significant social and economic deprivation and a diagnosed psychiatric condition.
By the same token a person who has ''none'' of these traits — that is female, educated, socially competent, wealthy, free of  psychiatric illness, with no history of violence, crime of antisocial behaviour whatever and no motive— we would say such the prior probability of such a person being a serial murderer would be ''markedly lower still.''
We may not be able to assign precise probabilities to them, but we can legitimately ask, where there is no [[direct evidence]] of actual wrongdoing, what is the probability that a young female professional with a healthy social life, a stable and affluent background, a good circle of friends and no history of criminality, deprivation, instability or mental illness and no motivation — no “criminal propensity” at all, in other words — will, without warning, transform herself into a calculating serial murderer. We can see this probability is ''very, very low''.
concerning only ''probabilities'', then there is a “mathematical” way of articulating what seem to be “biases” of our own:
, but  has some basis in probabilities. She ''is'' the last person you would expect. The prior probability here is about as low as it could possibly be.
Then


====The amateur expert serial murderer====
====The amateur expert serial murderer====
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{{capsital|Bedevere}}: Can you not also make bridges of stone? <br>
{{capsital|Bedevere}}: Can you not also make bridges of stone? <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 1}}: Oh, yeah. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 1}}: Oh, yeah. <br>
{{capsital|Bedevere}}: Does wood sink in water? <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 1}}: No. It floats! Throw her into the pond! <br>
{{capsital|Bedevere}}: What also floats in water?  <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 1}}: Bread. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 2}}: Apples. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 3}}: Very small rocks. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 4}}: Cider. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 5}}: Cherries. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 6}}: Gravy. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 7}}: Mud. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 8}}: Churches. <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 9}}: Lead. <br>
{{capsital|Arthur}}: A duck!  <br>
{{capsital|Bedevere}}: ''Exactly''. So, logically — <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 1}}: If she weighs the same as a duck, she's made of wood. <br>
{{capsital|Bedevere}}: And, therefore? <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 1}}:  A witch!  <br>
{{capsital|Peasant 1}}: A witch! <br>}}


====David Holmes====
====David Holmes====

Latest revision as of 11:02, 29 October 2024

The confirmation biases

Prominent public supporters of the convictions to date:

  • Dr. Jayaram (prosecution witness
  • Dr Evans (prosecution expert witness)
  • Judith Moritz and Liz Hull
  • Christopher Snowden

As the debate has developed their numbers have not risen. All have some personal stake in affirming the convictions other than Snowdon who, as a paid lobbyist for the alcohol and tobacco industries, we might say, is a professional holder of confirmation biases.

Now, true, those professing Letby’s innocence are prone to confirmation bias too. but if you looked at it probabilistically, the competing “confirmation biases” are these:

the likelihood of a healthcare serial murderer (an extremely unlikely scenario) to a very high degree of certainty (>95% confidence level)

the likelihood of a spike in neonatal deaths in a specific location with any other cause at all, to a very low degree of certainty (>5% confidence level).

Now it is true that there is more evidence than just a statistical spike: there were also specific forensic findings, documentation irregularities, and behavioural evidence that factor into the overall probability assessment. And the "reasonable doubt" standard isn’t purely mathematical — it’s about whether alternative explanations are reasonable given all available evidence, not just whether they're statistically possible.

In the absence of direct evidence, all circumstantial evidence amounts to an inference that makes the allegation more or less likely. In cases built on circumstantial evidence, what we’re doing is building a probabilistic case through multiple layers of inference. To be sure, you can’t precisely quantify it, but that is not to say it is not a question of probability. The prosecution’ compiles enough of these probability-modifying factors to cross the beyond reasonable doubt threshold, while the defence only needs to introduce enough doubt in any of these inferential chains to keep the total probability below that threshold.

This is why the “coincidence” argument is so central. The multiplication of improbable coincidences makes the innocent explanation vanishingly unlikely. But this reasoning is vulnerable to several statistical criticisms, such as the Texas sharpshooter fallacy and selection bias.

In the absence of compelling direct or even circumstantial evidence (and much of the forensic evidence has been strongly criticised) it comes down to probabilities. This is where Bayesian reasoning comes in: if you have direct evidence of actual direct harm, that changes the priors. If you don’t then really the prior probabilities are all you have.

And the absence of direct evidence over a sustained period in as heavily controlled, regulated and monitored an environment as a hospital, especially against a person who has no known expertise in serial murder and took no known steps to research methods of killing without leaving evidence, is telling in itself.

There is a kind of paradox here: the very absence of evidence over such a sustained period, in such a tightly monitored environment, against someone with no apparent expertise in committing these crimes let alone avoiding detection, becomes probative in itself. It makes the prosecution narrative require additional unlikely assumptions about extraordinary competence in evidence elimination that nothing else in the case supports.

This fits into a Bayesian framework because the probability of seeing a pattern of “no clear evidence” would be higher under “innocent” explanations — where of course there could be no such evidence — as against the murder hypothesis, where such evidence would potentially exist, so there would be a presumption that a tightly monitored environment would catch it. would expect some physical or direct evidence to emerge given the circumstances.

This is why, i think, the "letby is guilty" faction are at pains to de-escalate the importance of statistical analysis

Letby canards

  • Admissions: Ms. Letby admitted someone was poisoning on the ward
  • You weren’t there: If you weren’t at the trial you can’t know: “context is everything”, and guilt with events through a combination of interlocking facts. This is a kind of “emergence” argument. It is routinely run, ironically enough, by people who also were not at the trial.
  • The Judgment: You haven’t read the Court of Appeal judgment so you can’t possibly know.
  • Insulin inference: Regarding the “concrete” insulin evidence, the prosecution argued: “if the jury could agree that Letby had deliberately poisoned two babies, they could also reasonably conclude that she had harmed others using different methods even if the evidence in those cases was less concrete.”: (Sub point: some of those who criticise the trial were at the trial).
  • Improbable cluster: The jump in annual deaths from three to seven and eight strongly indicates foul play: not according to the, er, statistics
  • This case has nothing to do with statistics: Oh, but it is: this is the fundamental position that guilty case must defend, otherwise the whole case collapses. Factually, that is how the suspicion arose: initially the incidents were not considered suspicious: Nick Johnson KC: “as the deaths continued, with Letby present at every one, consultants realised she was the “common denominator”.[1] So the statistics underlies all other evidence. The Bayesian priors all point away from Lucy Letby. It is the sine qua non of the case. Also an anchoring and confirmation bias. This is how the “Texas sharpshooter” fallacy starts.
  • Circumstantial evidence: Circumstantial evidence speaks for itself — oh, there’s that confusion about probabilities again.
  • Motivation of innocence campaigners: Innocence campaigners use the families’ grief to build their own reputations.[2]
  • Virtual red-hands: Letby was almost caught “virtually red-handed”, standing over the babies.
  • Covered tracks: Ms. Letby “covered her tracks” by erasing data from hospital records. In particular, erasing records of Baby E’s mother’s visit and Ms. Letby’s own presence with the baby at the time of its collapse: there seems to be little direct evidence of this — it is inferred from incomplete hospital records or inconsistencies with witnesses who claimed to have been present (i.e., she must have altered them) — which is one explanation: another is that witnesses were mistaken or — given the allegation of under-resourcing and mismanagement, another (and most likely) is that the records were never made, or not kept.
  • Circumstantial evidence again: It’s no big deal that the case is only about circumstantial evidence: Lots of people get convicted on circumstantial evidence alone. Differences between circumstantial cases where there definitely was a murder (e.g. David Bain) with circumstantial cases where there was not (Lindy Chamberlain). Witness the Thirlwall kerfuffle about extubation rates while Ms Letby was at the Royal Liverpool. How would extubation data arise? Presumably, it does not auto-generate, but is collected by those observing extubations—e.g., rostered nurses? Even if mandatory there is an element of discretion here: a diligent nurse would generate “worse” stats than a slipshod one. So —. (This is the problem with circumstantial evidence, in a nutshell: it does not “speak for itself” (pace Ken Macdonald KC) but requires an imaginative, narrative act of inference. The same data permits many, contradictory inferences. The difference is not the evidence, but your inference. Circumstantial evidence is not “facts”.)
  • That judge’s direction: “You don’t need to be know how she did it as long as you are sure she did it”. There are different scenarios:
    1. Death definitely has 1 of 3 causes, the defendant definitely was responsible for all 3, jury need not be sure which of the 3 it was. Does not apply here: no direct evidence, no finite set of causes. Some natural causes.
    2. Death definitely has 1 of 3 causes, defendant definitely responsible for 2. Jury must be sure it was not the 3rd cause. Between the other 2, 1. above applies. Does not apply here for same reason as 1.
    3. Death definitely has 1 of 3 causes, defendant *may* have been responsible for all of them. If they do not know which it was, Jury must still be certain defendant was responsible for all three. Does not apply here: Same as 1 above. In Ms Letby’s case, there were an unknown set of possible causes, some innocent, some malign, it was not clear she was even responsible for the malign ones. Since you can’t rule out unknown innocent causes, if they don’t know how Ms. Letby committed the acts, the jury can’t be “sure” she committed them.

There’s no need to suggest anyone acted in bad faith. This is the essence of prosecutor’s tunnel vision: a series of cognitive biases lead into a logical cul-de-sac it is hard to get out of. The same biases can also apply to innocence campaigners. but the “guilty” campaign will find it harder to back out of their cul-de-sac. The innocence case commits only to the weak proposition that “there is reasonable doubt”. It is easy enough to walk that back. It is harder to resile from the proposition: “I have no doubt”.

Because of the co-dependency of the circumstantial evidence, the case depends on an all-or-none approach. The argument cannot stand case that Letby was responsible for some collapses, but not others, because evidence for the individual cases would not by itself discharge the burden of proof. That Ms Letby was somehow causative of collapses is a long way short of saying she wilfully inflicted them. She may have been causative by omission. By choosing the wrong option in an emergency situation. Perhaps her clinical practice was ineffective. Perhaps she was negligent — even reckless, in individual cases. The prosecution case obliges us, in those cases, to attribute to malice what is more probably caused by error.

Interlude

Probabilities are confusing things.

Say a nurse works, on average, 56 hours per week. she will be on duty for one-third of the week, or one shift in three. A year comprises 1095 eight-hour shifts. We would expect our nurse to work 365 shifts on average.

How safe is a guess that our nurse will work at least 25 shifts in the year? Yes, barring unexpected events, she almost certainly will. We can choose 25 shifts from the 365 she actually worked quite easily: We have 317,289,491,593,508,738,514,256,079,646,867,087,834 different combinations of twenty-five shifts! Still, that number is minuscule compared to all possible permutations of 25 shifts from the whole 1,095.

Which twenty-five? Well, there are a lot of choices. 365 is a much bigger number than 25, so we can see immediately the odds are very close to one.


The amateur expert serial murderer

The unit’s lead consultant Dr Stephen Brearey first raised concerns about Letby in October 2015.

No action was taken and she went on to attack five more babies, killing two.

BBC website

On the face of it, the intensive care unit in a neonatal hospital — which must be as tightly controlled, monitored and overwatched as any place in Britain — is the last place you would embark on a regime of surreptitious serial murder. Better, surely to do it like Harold Shipman did, in the privacy of your consulting rooms, or better still, during a house call.

And once the hospital’s lead consultant had his own suspicions about the Nurse, you would think, she would be under even greater surveillance. Wouldn’t she? So does this not make the lack of direct evidence even more remarkable?

Caption text
Category Daniela Poggiali Lucia de Berk Jane Bolding Lucy Letby
“Incriminating” evidence
  • Took selfies laughing with dead body
  • She had the ability to switch between wings of hospital
  • Fiery temper, played pranks on colleagues
  • Found patients irritating
  • Allegations of thefts of jewellery
Example Example
  • Googled parents
  • That post-it note
  • The increased insulin without corresponding C-peptide in 2 victims
  • Had lots of teddy bears
Motive “She must have just loved killing people” Example Example Example
Actual evidence Correlation between shifts and deaths Example Example Correlation between shifts and deaths
Mitigants
  • Large ward many patients
  • High proportion of very old and terminally ill patients
  • Data collection was pretty ropey
Example Example Example
Alleged Method Pottassium Choloride Example Example Several
Resources Richard Gill blog Example Example New Yorker article

We need to talk about lucy letby podcast

More Witches

{{quote| Peasant 1: We have found a witch may we burn her?
Peasant 2: Burn her!
Bedevere: How do you know she is a witch?
Peasant 1: She looks like one
Bedevere: Bring her forward.
Woman: I am not a witch
Bedevere:But you are dressed as one
Woman: They dressed me up like this
Peasant 1: We didn't!
Woman: And this isn't my nose it's a false one
Bedevere:Well?
Peasant 1: Well, we did do the nose
Bedevere: The nose?
Peasant 2: And the hat but she is a witch
Peasant 1: Burn her!
Bedevere: Did you dress her up like this?
Peasant 1: No.
Peasant 2: Yes.
Peasant 3: Yes.
Peasant 3: A bit. She has got a wart.
Bedevere: What makes you think she is a witch?
Peasant 1: Well, she turned me into a newt.
Bedevere: A newt?
Peasant 1: I got better.
Peasant 2: Burn her anyway!
Peasant 1: Burn her!
Bedevere: Quiet! There are ways of telling whether she is a witch.
Peasant 1: Are there? What are they? Tell us.
Bedevere: Tell me, what do you do with witches?
Peasant 1: Burn them!
Bedevere: What do you burn apart from witches?
Peasant 1: More witches!
Peasant 2: Wood.
Bedevere: So, why do witches burn?
Peasant 1: Because they're made of wood?
Bedevere: Good!
Bedevere: So, how do we tell whether she is made of wood?
Peasant 1: Build a bridge out of her!
Bedevere: Can you not also make bridges of stone?
Peasant 1: Oh, yeah.

David Holmes

JHB: what could have been the tell-tale signs that this woman was a danger? Was there anything that could have given us forewarning? Holmes: “Well, it may not give forewarning but generally speaking, [with] a serial killer of this stature really it’s almost obligatory to have psychopathic traits and they will often show themselves in various ways. ... she was very controlled. She was trying to give the image of a very responsible, caring nurse who would be there in a crisis to save babies and so on and so forth. So she is playing the role of someone who would not be suspected other than the correlation between her and the babies’ deaths.”

“It’s a situation where you have not got any really concrete evidence: one piece, like a CCTV camera footage or a witness, etc, all you’ve got is an accumulation of basically very low-level evidence — coincidences, etc — but when you actually accumulate a large number of these [using] something called a Bayesian analysis, it’s actually more statistically sound to have 100 little arrows pointing towards Lucy and none pointing away from her, and I think that’s how justice was actually reached.”

—Criminologist David Holmes on Sky News, 18 August 2023

Well, to a point. Bayesian analysis starts with a “prior probability” — an initial estimate of the likelihood that “Lucy Letby murdered multiple neonatal infants with no motive, no psychiatric history and no prior tendency” — which is extremely low — and adjusts it to a “posterior probability” on the cumulative effect of the “little arrows” to revise the likelihood of it being true. An accumulation of even weak “little arrows” can increase the “posterior” probability of the hypothesis, but if all the arrows are also consistent with another explanation, their contribution to updating a Bayesian analysis may be modest. There is significant potential for false positives when dealing with rare events and weak evidence. (Compare this with David Bain’s case, where the prior probability that he was the culprit was already high (the event was certainly murder, and he was one of only two plausible suspects), and the circumstantial evidence against him was strong, and Lindy Chamberlain, where the prior probability was very low, and the circumstantial evidence weak).

Prior and posterior probabilities in different cases
Case There was a Murder Suspect responsible Another person responsible
Prior Posterior Prior Posterior Prior Posterior
OJ Simpson Certain Unchanged Very likely Greatly increased Fairly unlikely Unchanged
David Bain Certain Unchanged Fairly likely Greatly increased Fairly likely Greatly decreased
Peter Ellis Very unlikely Mildly increased Extremely unlikely Mildly increased Extremely unlikely Unchanged
Lindy Chamberlain Very unlikely Mildly increased Extremely unlikely Mildly increased Extremely unlikely Unchanged
Lucy Letby Very unlikely Mildly increased Extremely unlikely Mildly increased Extremely unlikely Unchanged

The question, then, is how many of the “little arrows” are inconsistent with another explanation. Here there are two categories of alternative explanation: that someone else was responsible, or that no-one was criminally responsible: the event would have happened anyway.

The prior probability of there being a different murderer on the ward is the same for any other nurse as for Lucy Letby: extremely unlikely. No suggestion was made that any other person was involved, so we can assume two alternatives: either an innocent explanation or Letby was the culprit.

It is worth also looking at the categories of circumstantial evidence in each case and associating it with one or other of those probabilities. Does it make it more likely that There was criminality involved in the deaths, or that, Assuming there was criminality, Letby was the culprit.

Relevance of evidence to probabilities
Evidence Criminality Letby was the culprit
Relevance Posterior value Relevance Posterior value
Ward roster No N/A Yes Contested
Post-it Note No N/A Yes Weak
Editing nursing notes to “cover tracks” Yes Weak Yes Contested
Post-event internet activity No N/A Yes Weak
“Trophy” handover notes No N/A Yes Weak
Bubbly personality No N/A No N/A
Obsession with a married doctor No N/A No N/A
Unexpected collapse Yes Weak No N/A
Insulin levels Yes Weak No N/A
Skin discolouration Yes Weak No N/A
Liver damage Yes Weak No N/A
Evidence of air in blood and brain Yes Weak No N/A

Interestingly, bar for the alleged editing of nursing notes, which case been oddly under-reported, none of the “small arrows” point to both the presence of criminality and Letby’s particular involvement. It is worth reviewing the published pieces of the chief “public prosecutors” who make the case for Letby’s guilt. Among these are the expert witness Dr Dewi Morris, Daily Mail Journalist Liz Hull,[3] BBC Journalist Judith Moritz and the frequently interviewed Criminologist David Holmes. They are emphatic in their dismissal of the “yellow butterfly gang” — in Hull’s words, “diverse band of fanatics and pseudo-scientists” (later upgraded to a “strange band of misfits and ghouls”) coming from all “walks of society: well-to-do pensioners, middle-aged women, and the unemployed” and who, er, “counted scientists, neo-natal nurses, doctors and statisticians among their members” — so I was curious to see what they brought out as their clinchers.

Lizz Hull

Hull, on the New Yorker piece:

I’ve read the article and now the retrial is over I can write about it. And while there’s no doubting the author, who says she obtained full transcripts of the ten-month trial at huge cost, has researched the case thoroughly, it contains errors and cherry-picks evidence, omitting large parts of the prosecution case which was pivotal in reaching a conviction.

For example, it makes no mention of the 250 confidential “trophy” handover notes, blood test results and resuscitation notes relating to the babies police found at Letby’s home; it does not try to explain the Facebook searches that she made for the parents of her victims, years after she harmed their children.

Letby’s abnormal, animated behaviour in front of grieving parents after a baby died and pictures of cards she sent or received from parents of babies she murdered that were stored on her mobile phone, are also ignored, as is her obsession with a married doctor and her deliberate editing of nursing notes to make it seem like a baby was on the verge of collapse to cover her tracks.[4]

In a later article on 24 July 2024 — the first one evidently not having the desired effect — Hull sets out the overlooked evidence that proves the conspiracy theorists (although they are better described as “no conspiracy theorists”) wrong.

Star witness Dr Dewi Evans

Uncalled defence expert Mike Hall

Sewage and insulin

  • No evidence was presented to show any of the infants contracted bacterial or parasitic infections linked to dirty water caused by drainage problems.
  • Though journalists have since queried the suitability of the insulin tests for use in a criminal prosecution, the defence team did not.

Concession that the insulin was deliberate

The Court reporting suggests this was less emphatic than it has been made out to be:[5]

Letby is asked if Child E was poisoned with insulin.
“Yes I agree that he had insulin.”
“Do you believe that somebody gave it to him unlawfully?”
“Yes.”
“Do you believe that someone targeted him?”
“No.”
“It was a random act?”
“Yes...I don't know where the insulin came from.”
“Do you agree [Child L] was poisoned with insulin?”
“From the blood results, yes.”
“Do you agree that someone targeted him specifically?”
“No...I don't know how the insulin got there.”
Letby adds: “I don’t believe that any member of staff on the unit would make a mistake in giving insulin.”

Liver injury

One of the babies suffered significant liver trauma. The post-mortem said the bleed was due to vigorous CPR, but a forensic pathologist from told the jury he’d only ever seen this type of extensive internal injury in children involved in road, trampolines cycling accidents, or who had been deliberately assaulted.

Letby accepted in evidence that the injury took place “on her watch”.

Air in stomachs

The Guardian reported that seven anonymous neonatologists called Dr Evans’ theory about the injection of air into the stomach via nasal feeding tubes “ridiculous”.

Dr Evans admitted to me that injecting air in a nasogastric tube is “utterly bizarre” and something he’d never heard of before. But he added: “That doesn't mean it can’t exist.”

The shift rota

The infamous shift rota chart was not created after the fact, so the “Texas sharpshooter” argument falls over. Dr Evans reviewed all cases bar one were looked at “blind” months, before Letby’s name was disclosed to him.

Dr Evans says Cheshire police did not put together the shift graph until he had identified suspected cases. Only when officers cross-checked those events with staff on duty did the striking pattern of Letby’s presence emerge.

The rash

The argument that prosecution expert witnesses misdiagnosed a rash based on misreading Dr Shoo Lee’s 1989 report on the air embolism phenomenon. Dr Lee told Letby’s appeal he believed the rashes were not diagnostic of the condition.

But Dr Lee did not have access to the medical notes or witness statements when making this assessment and his evidence was ruled inadmissible.

The screaming

Hull describes “harrowing testimony of parents, doctors and nurses” of uncharacteristic “screaming” from several of the premature babies, who likely suffered extreme pain.

Letby, the Prosecution said, had rammed a medical instrument down the boy's throat moments earlier, causing internal bleeding. She later injected him with air to kill him.

Letby’s behaviour

On one occasion Letby told a colleague a baby “looked pale” when no lights were on in the nursery, and her face was obscured by a canopy. That child had stopped breathing but was resuscitated only to die by alleged air injection the next day.

The cards, googling and condolences.

Bayesian probabilities applied to other questions

As Tom Chivers notes in his excellent Everything Is Predictable: How Bayes’ Remarkable Theorem Explains the World, a fellow newly armed with Bayesian techniques is the proverbial “man with a hammer”: once you learn how to do it, it is hard to resist applying it to all kinds of questions not usually seen as the domain of statistics.

For example: miscarriages of justice are, as far as we know, extremely rare: those in the population of murder convicts across history — which surely numbers in the millions — who were justly convicted enormously outweigh those who were unjustly convicted, which we can put in the hundreds or thousands (Wikipedia lists just fifty-four). This might lead to the conclusion that a person who has been convicted by a jury is, ipso facto, highly unlikely to be innocent: that is, after all, the fundamental design goal of the justice system.

But the number convicted of “medical carer serial murders” in history is also small. According to Wikipedia, of nearly 800 serial killers fewer than 60 were medical carers, of whom two-thirds admitted their crimes. Serial murder is rare. Medical carer serial murder is even rarer.

But amongst Healthcare serial murder cases, miscarriages of justice are comparatively common. There are at least five recent examples, all strikingly similar:

  • Lucia de Berk: A Dutch nurse wrongly convicted of multiple murders due to statistical errors and misinterpretation of medical evidence. Her conviction was later overturned.
  • Susan Nelles: A Canadian nurse accused of murdering infants; charges were dropped due to lack of evidence.
  • Ben Geen: A British nurse whose conviction for murdering patients by inducing respiratory arrests was quashed on appeal due to unreliable evidence.
  • Colin Norris: A British nurse convicted of murdering patients by insulin injection; his conviction was later overturned due to flawed medical evidence.
  • Daniela Poggiali: An Italian nurse accused of murdering patients in a hospital. She was initially convicted but later acquitted on appeal due to a lack of conclusive evidence.
  • Jane Bolding: A British nurse accused of murdering patients in her care. She was acquitted after a retrial due to lack of evidence.

The relatively high proportion of miscarriages of justice among “hospital carer” cases raises the “posterior probability” that a given conviction of this type might be wrongful by comparison with other types of murder case where such errors are historically less common.

The multiple modus operandi

An unusual feature, compared with even other hospital carer serial killer cases is the variety of ways by which Letby is alleged to have murdered, or attempted to murder, the children.

  • Insulin in intravenous bags
  • Injection of air into bloodstream
  • Injection of air into stomach via gastric tube
  • Dislodging feeding tube
  • Liver trauma
  • Overfeeding by milk

Two points of significance here: first, serial killers generally develop and stick with a single modus operandi, refining a technique that “works” and avoids leaving evidence or allowing for detection. Leaving no evidence is hard. Second, the more different routes one uses, the more scope there is for evidence or detection.

  1. “What juries that found Letby guilty were told,” the Times, Saturday, September 14 2024.
  2. Richard Baker KC, at the Thirlwell Inquiry. Yet the motivation of the guilty campaigners are even more pronounced: all but one of the major public figures supporting the convictions have direct professional or monetary interests in the convictions being upheld. The other one is a professional lobbyist!
  3. It is time for this Lucy Letby is innocent madness to stop, Liz Hull, Daily Mail, 19 July 2024
  4. Lucy Letby Conspiracy Theorists are Wrong, Lizz Hull, Daily Mail, 5 July 2024.
  5. Chester Standard report of May 18 2023 (see 12.11pm).